NOTES AND REFERENCES

Introduction
I. Following the example set by a number of other writers on the subject, I have throughout used this designation for the substance in preference to the more clinical term cannabis, despite the fact that this latter term specifically refers — as I myself intend to refer — to both marijuana and hashish. There is scarcely a single book on illicit drug use that has failed to include a discussion of the distinction between these two products of the Cannabis sativa plant. In view of this, I shall cite here only Goode's remark that "Hashish contains nothing but pressed resin or 'flowering tops' of the Cannabis plant, and is about five times as strong as a preparation which contains mostly leaves, the substance most commonly designated as 'marijuana' ". See Erich Goode: The Marijuana Smokers (New York: Basic Books, 1970), p.16 et seq.
2. cf. Adele Kosviner: "Social Science and Cannabis Use", in J. Graham (ed): Cannabis and Health (London: Academic Press, 1976), p.348; Joy Mott: "The epidemiology of self-reported drug misuse in the United Kingdom", U.N. Bulletin on Narcotics 28:1 (January-March 1976), p.45.
3. Advisory Committee on Drug Dependence: Cannabis (London: H.M.S.O., 1968), p.9.
4. Howard Becker: "Marihuana Use and Social Control", in his Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance (New York: Free Press, 1963).
5. Jock Young: "The Role of the Police as Amplifiers of Deviancy, Negotiators of Reality and Translators of Fantasy", in S. Cohen (ed): Images of Deviance (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1971), p.46.
6. The Official Report of the National Commission on Marihuana and Drug Abuse: Marihuana: A Signal of Misunderstanding (New York: New American Library, 1972), pp.164-165.
7. Joseph Berke and Calvin Hernton: The Cannabis Experience (London: Peter Owen, 1974), p.18.
8. ibid., p. 205.
9. ibid., pp. 215-216.
10. Kenneth Burke: Permanence and Change (New York: New Republic Inc., 1935), p.70.
11. David Matza: Becoming Deviant (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1969), chapter 6.
12. For the classic discussion of this problem of taking sides, see Howard Becker: "Whose Side Are We On?" Social Problems 14:3 (Winter 1967); Alvin Gouldner: "The Sociologist as Partisan: Sociology and the Welfare State", The American Sociologist 3 (May 1968).
13. Erich Goode: The Marijuana Smokers (New York: Basic Books, 1970), p.9.

Chapter 1
1. cf. Stanley Cohen: Folk Devils and Moral Panics: (London: Paladin, 1973), p.85 et seq. For the original formulation of the term see Edwin Lemert: Social Pathology (New York: Mc Graw-Hill, 1951), p.68.
2. For criticism of this aspect of the Misuse of Drugs Act see inter alia Don Aitken: "Personal View", Drugs and Society 2:1 (November 1971), pp.8-9; Cannabis Action Reform Association: Sativa 1:1 (1973), p.3.
3. Tony Bunyan: The History and Practice of the Political Police in Britain (London: Friedmann, 1976), p.79 et seq.
4. Home Office press release 4 October 1972, cited in Bunyan, op. cit. pp.83- 84 (Bunyan's emphasis).
5. See "Dope Reaches New High", Time Out No.218, 3-9 May 1974, p.5; "Sativa", op. cit., p.1.
6. The Guardian, 5 July 1973.
7. See Ivor Caber: "The Squad on the Tyne", Drugs and Society 8:1 (May 1972), p.11; Tim Albert: "Radical Policeman into Gent", Drugs and Society 2:10 (July 1973), p.21.
8. Report of Her Majesty's Chief Inspector of Constabulary for the Year 1971, (London: HMSO, 13 June 1972), p.46.
9. Michael Schofield: The Strange Case of Pot (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1971), p.140.
10. See respectively Steven Box: Deviance, Reality and Society (London: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1971), pp.186-189; Paul Rock: Deviant Behaviour (London: Hutchinson, 1973), p.182; Jock Young: The Drugtakers: The Social Meaning of Drug Use (London: Paladin, 1971), chapter 9.
11. For the purposes of the following discussion I shall assume that Mr. Beck's remarks are based upon genuine beliefs about the drug and its effects rather than being the manifestation of a cynical and ultimately dishonest attempt to warn people away from the drug in order to ease problems of control. This assumption derives support from the arguments presented in Young, op. cit., pp.72-79, 171-174.
12. cf. for example Alfred L,indesmith: The Addict and the Law (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1965), chapter 8; Lester Grinspoon: Marihuana Reconsidered (New York: Bantam Books, 1971) pp.281-307. As is now well known, the principal agency campaigning for the repression of marijuana use was the U.S. Federal Bureau of Narcotics. An analysis of the bureaucratic imperatives which provided the context and impetus for the evolution of the Federal Bureau's campaign is contained in Donald Dickson: "Bureaucracy and Morality", Social Problems 16:2 (Fall 1968).
13. See in particular Young, op. cit., pp.107-123, 169-197; Grinspoon, op. cit., especially chapter 10; Howard Becker: "History, Culture and Subjective Experience: An Exploration of the Social Basis of Drug-Induced Experiences", Journal of Health and Social Behaviour, 8:3 (September 1967); Schofield, op. cit., chapters 9-12; John Kaplan: Marijuana — The New Prohibition (New York: World Publishing Co., 1970), especially chapter 5; Erich Goode: The Marijuana Smokers (New York: Basic Books, 1970), pp.169- 175; Joseph Berke and Calvin Hernton: The Cannabis Experience (London: Peter Owen, 1974), chapter 19.
14. The notion of the drugtaker as being in some way abnormal or "sick" has for long been deeply embedded in the culture of Western industrialised societies, and has arguably constituted an important obstacle to the introduction of more liberal policies on marijuana use. A characteristic expression of the kind of thinking that I have in mind here may be observed in one local newspaper's rejection of the liberal recommendations of the American Schafer report on the grounds that ". . . the psychology of many potsmokers is such that if marijuana is legalised they will seek out a drug that is not" (The Yorkshire Post, 23 March 1972). Good analyses of the key characteristics of this "pathology model" and the ideological functions that it serves can be found in Young, op. cit., pp. 49-79: Goode, op. cit., chapters 3, 5 and 12; Erich Goode: The Drug Phenomenon: Social Aspects of Drug Taking (New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1973), pp.26-37.
15. See for example the references cited in footnote 13 above, and note that all except two of them were published during the period 1970-1971.
16. See in particular Timothy Leary: The Politics of Ecstacy, (London: Paladin, 1970). Consider also Yippie leader Jerry Rubin's warning that "make pot legal and society will fall apart", in his Do It: Scenarios of the Revolution (London: Cape, 1970), p.102. For a relevant critique of such ideas see Jock Young: "The Hippie Solution: An Essay in the Politics of Leisure", in I. Taylor and L. Taylor: Politics and Deviance (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1973).
17. Richard Blum: "On the Presence of Demons", in R. Blum et al.: Society and Drugs (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1969), vol. 1, p.340.
18. See Stuart Hall et al: Policing the Crisis (London: Macmillan, 1978), chapters 8 and 9.
19. Like many of the others, this claim seems totally unjustified. Indeed, the available evidence indicates that very often the opposite is the case, with users undergoing a process of "reverse tolerance" (i.e. needing to use less of the drug in order to obtain an equivalent effect) as they proceed to acquire more experience with it. See for example N. Zinberg and A. Weil: "Cannabis: The First Controlled Experiment", New Society, 16 January 1969; Grinspoon , op. cit., pp. 211-213.
20. "Nihilation denies the reality of whatever phenomena or interpretations of phenomena do not fit into (the dominant symbolic) universe. This may be done in two ways. First . . . the threat to the social definitions of reality is neutralized by assigning an inferior ontological status, and thereby a not-tobe-taken-seriously cognitive status, to all definitions existing outside the symbolic universe . . . . Second, nihilation involves the more ambitious attempt to account for all deviant definitions of reality in terms of concepts belonging to one's own universe. In this manner, the negative of one's universe is subtly changed into an affirmative of it. The presupposition is always that the negator does not really know what he is saying." Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann: The Social Construction of Reality (London: Allen Lane, 1967) pp.132-133.
21. A brief discussion of the issues of censorship and selectivity in reporting that are alluded to here can be found in John Auld: Deviant Behaviour and Social Change: The Case of Marijuana Use (Ph.D dissertation, University of London, 1978), pp.52-55.
22. Edward Bloomguist: Marijuana: The Second Trip (Beverley Hills: Glencoe Press, 1971), p.383.
23. A.M.G. Campbell et al: "Cerebral Atrophy in Young Cannabis Smokers", The Lancet 4 December 1971, pp.1219-1224.
24. It is worth noting, perhaps, that three of the subjects had used LSD twenty times or more, two had used it "in large amounts", and two more "occasionally" over an extended period. In view of the fact that considerably more debilitating effects have traditionally been ascribed to LSD than to cannabis, it might therefore seem surprising that the research was not published under the title "Cerebral Atrophy in Young LSD-users". The fact that it was not suggests an alarming degree of arbitrariness in the way in which particular interpretations or labels may be assigned to given research findings in this area. The reasons for such seeming arbitrariness are matters for speculation. See, however, Erich Goode: "Ideological Factors in the Marijuana Controversy", Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, vol. 191 (December 1971). Also Grinspoon, op. cit., pp.292-296.
25. The Lancet, op. cit., pp.1240-1241.
26. Jock Young: "Mass Media, Drugs and Deviance", in P. Rock and M. McIntosh (eds): Deviance and Social Control (London: Tavistock, 1974), p.251.
27. "The Drugtakers", op. cit., p.187.
28. See in particular Schofield, op. cit., chapter 9. Three years prior to this the Advisory Committee on Drug Dependence (of which Schofield was a member) had concluded that "it is the personality of the user, rather than the properties of the drug (i.e. cannabis), that is likely to cause progression to other drugs", and that ". . . a risk of progression to heroin from cannabis is not a reason for retaining the control over this drug". See Report by the Advisory Committee on Drug Dependence: Cannabis (London: HMSO, 1968), pp.12-13.
29. See the discussion of these statistics by Jim Zacune in Drugs and Society 1:1 (October 1971), pp.16-18.
30. First Report of the National Commission on Marihuana and Drug Abuse: Marijuana: A Signal of Misunderstanding (Washington: U.S. Govt. Printing Office, 1972).
31. For a discussion of the contribution made by such personal testimonies to both common-sense and official thinking about drugs, see John Auld: "Drug Use: The Mystification of Accounts", in R. Bailey and J. Young (eds): Contemporary Social Problems in Britain (Farnborough: D.C. Heath, 1973).
32. cf. Goode: "Ideological Factors. .", op. cit.
33. See "The Drug Phenomenon", op. cit., pp.26-28.
34. "Children are questioned on drugs knowledge", The Times, 1 April 1971.
35. A third broad area of control effort comprises the various forms of drug education aimed at young children considered to be at risk. However, this seems generally to have been accepted as being the special province of teachers and "drug education experts".
36. For a summary of these provisions see Bunyan, op. cit., pp. 54-55.
37. cf. Philip Bean: The Social Control of Drugs (London: Martin Robertson, 1974), pp. 162-163.
38. See for example Schofield, op. cit., pp.143-144; Mike Mansfield and Bernard Simons: "The powers that be - stop and search", Drugs and Society 9:1 (June 1972), pp.28-29.
39. "Sativa", op. cit., p.3.
40. ibid.
41. The validity of this statement relies upon an acceptance of the important distinction that Young makes between what he terms theoretical and empirical guilt. See Young, "The Dnigtakers", op. cit., p.189.
42. See Stop and Search: A Release Report on police powers and practice (London: Release, 1977), p.1.
43. In some cases they also acted as agents-provocateurs - a practice which has by no means abated. See for example Martin Pritchard and Ed Laxton: Busted: The Sensational Life Story of an Undercover Hippie Cop (London: Mirror Books, 1978).
44. Ivor Gaber: "The Metropolitan Police Drug Squad", Drugs and Society 2:5 (February 1973), pp.11-15; "The squad on the Tyne", op. cit. On these and related issues see also Maureen Cain: Society and The Policeman's Role (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1973), pp.98-124.
45. Schofield, op. cit., p.141.
46. Goode, "The Marijuana Smokers", op. cit., p.272.
47. cf. Schofield, op. cit., p.22; David Hawks: "The Law relating to Cannabis Use 1964-1973: How subtle an ass?" in J. Graham (ed): Cannabis and Health (London: Academic Press, 1976).
48. cf. Schofield, op. cit., pp.133-134; David Matza: Becoming Deviant (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1969), p.141; James Orcutt: "Toward a Sociological Theory of Drug Effects: A Comparison of Marijuana and Alcohol", Sociology and Social Research 56:2 (January 1972), pp.249-250.
49. "The Drugtakers", op. cit., p.193. See also James Carey The College Drug Scene (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1968), pp.56-57, 167-168.
50. For a discussion of the relationship between crime reporters and the police which sees it as an essentially symbiotic one, see Steve Chibnall: "The Crime Reporter: A Study in the Production of Commercial Knowledge", Sociology 9:1 (January 1975).
51. Hardly an uncommon tendency, and one which constitutes an important component of the traditionalist world view in general. See Hall et al., op cit., pp. 150-156.
52. cf. Richard Blum et al: Utopiates: The Use and Users of LSD 25 (London: Tavistock, 1965), p.227.
53. Martin Plant: Drugtakers in an English Town (London: Tavistock, 1975), pp.139-140.
54. For clarification of the distinction between formal and informal social control, see Norman Denzin: "Rules of Conduct and the Study of Deviant Behaviour", in J. Douglas (ed): Deviance and Respectability, (New York: Basic Books, 1970); H. Taylor Buckner: Deviance, Reality, and Change (New York: Random House, 1971), especially parts 6 and 7.
55. In Lemert's classic formulation of this important concept, secondary deviation ". . . refers to a special class of socially defined responses which people make to problems created by the societal reaction to their deviance . . . . The secondary deviant . . . is a person whose life and identity are organized around the facts of deviance". Edwin Lemert: Human Deviance, Social Problems, and Social Control, (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1967), pp.40-41 et seq.
56. cf. Paul Rock: Making People Pay (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1973), pp.69-70.
57. cf. Auld, "Drug Use: The Mystification of Accounts", op. cit.
58. For a related discussion of the contradictions besetting the media in their portrayal of deviant activities, see Young: "Mass Media, Drugs and Deviance", op. cit., pp.245-247.
59. cf. Young, ibid., pp .247-251
60. In fact, of course, the sources of such parental disapproval were considerably more varied and complex than this summary statement would suggest. A systematic treatment of these issues can be found in John Clarke et al: "Subcultures, Cultures and Class: A Theoretical Overview", in T. Jefferson and S. Hall (eds): Resistance Through Rituals (London: Hutchinson, 1976).
61. A fuller presentation of such evidence can be found in Auld: "Deviant Behaviour and Social Change ... ", op. cit., part 1.
62. cf. Young, "The Drugtakers", op. cit.; Hall et al., op cit., pp.239-240. See also Jeff Nuttall: Bomb Culture, (London: Paladin, 1975).
63. See Appendix I.
64. cf. Young's remarks concerning what he terms "fantasy crime waves" in "The Drugtakers", op. cit., pp.195-196. The Wootton committee in 1968 also expressed scepticism about the value of such statistics, suggesting that "one explanation" for the doubling of cannabis convictions (from 1,119 to 2,393) in just the one year period 1966-1967 "might be that the formation of drug squads in many police areas in the last three years has been responsible for more successful police action against cannabis offenders than previously". Report by the Advisory Committee on Drug Dependence, op. cit., P.9.
65. See Appendix II.
66. According to Mott, "self-report methods are, in general, the only feasible way of obtaining information on the prevalence of drug misuse, other than opiate misuse, in the population". Joy Mott: "The epidemiology of self-reported drug misuse in the United Kingdom", U.N. Bulletin on Narcotics 28:1 (Jan-March 1976), p.43.
67. Adele Kosviner: "Social Science and Cannabis Use", in Graham (ed), op. cit., p.353.
68. cf. Goode: "Ideological Factors in the Marijuana Controversy", op. cit.
69. The attention accorded this survey has centred almost exclusively upon its declaration that, by mid-1973, nearly four million people in the United Kingdom had "at some time in the past" smoked pot. As noted at the beginning of this study, there may be grounds for questioning the accuracy of this figure. There may equally be grounds for questioning its usefulness. (We are told nothing, for example, about what proportion of the people in question even enjoyed the experience sufficiently as to be willing to repeat it). Yet even if it has subsequently been deemed to underestimate the numbers of people involved, such a figure seems nevertheless to have played an important role in recent debates concerning the anomalous legal status of cannabis in this country. See for example Philip Jordan's article "Taking a leaf out of the statute book" (The Guardian, 22 January 1977), which highlights the statement that "more than four million people in Britain are said to have tried pot at some time".
70. Mott, op. cit., pp.51-52.
71. In 1974 its market "share" was reported to be 98%. See Penny Reel: "What made Rizla famous made a loser out of me", International Times 2:1 (May-June 1974), p.1.
72. ibid. See also Alex Finer: "Joy and Mr. Foy", The Sunday Times, 9 June 1974.
73. See "Rizla Sizzles", Release Newsletter 2:13 (November 1975), p.6.
74. See J.W. Fairbairn: "The Parmacognosy of Cannabis", in Graham (ed), op. cit.
75. cf. inter alia Dennis Chapman: Sociology and the Stereotype of the Criminal (London: Tavistock, 1968), chapter 3; Steven Box: Deviance, Reality and Society (London: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1971), pp.166-182.
76. James Carey: The College Drug Scene (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1968), p.41.
77. These remarks are chiefly directed to the seminal formulations supplied by Becker and Matza. See Howard Becker: "Marihuana Use and Social Control", in his Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance (New York: Free Press, 1963); David Matza: Becoming Deviant (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1969), chapters 6 and 7.
78. "When it's Harvesting Time in Trendy NW! .", Nova, August 1971.
79. See Appendix II.
80. See "Cannabis on Demand: Britain's Drug Dilemma", The Sunday Telegraph, 19 November 1972.
81. cf. "Marihuana Use and Social Control", op. cit.

Chapter 2
1. An excellent analysis of the nature and significance of these developments
in Britain is contained in Stuart Hall et al: Policing the Crisis (London: Macmillan, 1978), chapter 8, especially pp.238-258.
2. See ibid., pp.255--258. Also John Clarke eta!: "Subcultures, Cultures and Class: A Theoretical Overview", in S. Hall and T. Jefferson (eds): Resistance through Rituals: Youth subcultures in post-war Britain (London: Hutchinson, 1976), esp. pp.62-66. The process alluded to here probably finds its clearest exposition in the writings of Herbert Marcuse. See in particular his Eros and Civilization (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1956), and One-Dim ensional Man (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1964).
3. See for example the remarks by Stephen Abrams, founder of SOMA (The Society of Mental Awareness), in "When It's Harvesting Time in Trendy NW1 . . .", Nova, August 1971. Also Ivor Gaber: "Science Schmience", 1.T. no.143 (2-16 December, 1972), p.9; H.T. Buckner: Deviance, Reality and Change (New York: Random House, 1971), pp.312-313.
4. The terms "rule enforcer" and "rule creator" here are borrowed from Howard Becker. See his Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance (New York: Free Press, 1963), chapter 8.
5. One attempt to do this is William Lanouette: Legislative Control of Cannabis (Unpublished Ph.D dissertation, University of London, 1972).
6. Martin Plant: Drugtakers in an English Town (London: Tavistock, 1975).
7. ibid., p.143.
8. ibid., p .155 .
9. The methodological problems alluded to here are usefully discussed in Derek Phillips: Knowledge from What? Theories and Methods in Social Research (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1971), chapters 3-5.
10. Charles Reeves: Motivation for Changing Methods of Drug Taking, paper presented at the 30th International Congress on Alcoholism and Drug Dependence, Amsterdam, 4-9 September 1972.
11. David Somekh: "Prevalence of Self-reported Drug Use among London Undergraduates", British Journal of Addiction 71:1 (March 1976).
12. See "Pot sets the spires a'dreaming", The Sunday Times, 4 June 1972.
13. Adele Kosviner and David Hawks: "Cannabis Use Amongst British University Students: H. Patterns of Use and Attitudes to Use". British Journal of Addiction 72:1 (March 1977).
14. See above, footnote 12.
15. The somewhat privileged position enjoyed by at least certain groups of students in this respect must, however, be acknowledged. See Steven Box: Deviance, Reality and Society (London: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1971), pp.150-157.
16. cf. Erich Goode: The Drug Phenomenon: Social Aspects of Drug Taking (New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1973), pp.35-36.
17. M. Evans, S. Stevens and P. Samuel: "A Random Survey of Cannabis Use in Young People", British Journal of Addiction 69:3 (September 1974).
18. Nicholas Dorn and Anne Thompson: A Comparison of 1973 and 1974 Levels of Mid-Teenage Experimentation with Illegal Drugs in Some Schools in England (London: Institute for the Study of Drug Dependence, 1975).
19. First Report of the National Commission on Marihuana and Drug Abuse: Marihuana: A Signal of Misunderstanding, (Washington: U.S. Govt. Printing Office, 1972).
20. ibid., p.34.
21. cf. for example Bruce Johnson: "Sense and Nonsense in the 'Scientific' Study of Drugs: An Anti-Commission Report", Society 10:4 (May-June 1973).
22. Philip Mechanick et al: "Non-Medical Drug Use Among Medical Students", Archives of General Psychiatry 29 (July 1973).
23. cf. Howard Becker: "Becoming a Marihuana User", in his "Outsiders", op. cit.
24. Rather similar findings can be discerned in a study of 530 (predominantly Southern Californian) marijuana users carried out by Gary Fisher: "Harmful Effects of Marihuana Use: Experiences and Opinions of Current and Past Marihuana Users", British Journal of Addiction 69:1 (March 1974). Apparently past users cited the experiencing of negative or unpleasant effects more than any other reason for their having ceased use of the drug. (Fear of the legal implications of use, by contrast, was cited by less than half as many respondents). Unfortunately, however, the author provides no information as to the precise date when the study was carried out.
25. See Reginald Smart, Dianne Fejer and W. James White: "Trends in Drug Use among Metropolitan Toronto High School Students: 1968-1972", Addictions 20:1 (Spring 1973).
26. See "What's Happening", Journal of Drug Issues 5:2 (Spring 1975), p.195.
27. Simon Hasleton: "Cannabis Toleration in the Netherlands, 1974", in F. Logan (ed): Cannabis: Options for Control (Sunbury: Quatermaine House, 1979).
28. ibid., p.133.
29. A book-length exposition of this philosophy was also provided by the magazine's one-time editor. See Richard Neville: Play Power (London: Jonathan Cape, 1970).
30. John Hoyland: "The Long March Through the Bingo Halls", Oz No.46, (Jan-Feb., 1973), p.18.
31. Oz No.47 (April 1973), p.5.
32. Most notably the two articles "Becoming a Marihuana User" and "Marihuana Use and Social Control", both in "Outsiders", op. cit.
33. "History, Culture and Subjective Experience: An Exploration of the Social Bases of Drug-Induced Experiences", Journal of Health and Social Behaviour 8:3 (September 1967).
34. Eric Clark: "The Problems of Pot Reform", New Statesman 2 February 1973, p.154. It should be pointed out that such immunity from police action was not a particularly new phenomenon, nor was it a prerogative of the "middle-class, middle-aged smoker". For statements made by the police themselves on this issue, see for example "Police declare drugs truce on pop island". Daily Sketch 28 August 1970: "Three Students in five have tried drugs", The Observer 2 May 1971.
35. cf. for example James Carey: The College Drug Scene (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall 1968) pp.54, 148-149; Michael Rossman, in Drugs: For and Against (New York: Hart Publishing Co. 1970). See also Norman Zinberg and Andrew Weil: "A Comparison of Marijuana Users and Non-users", Nature 226 (11 April 1970) pp.120, 123.
36. "Dope hits campus beer sales", International Times No. 86 (27 August 1970), p.3. The final paragraph of this article is worthy of note: "Figures show that compared to 1967, sales last year (in Denver) were down 27% at one college tavern, down 52% at the second bar near the campus, and down 71% at a third".
37. See "They've turned their backs on Life", The Sunday Post, 30 August 1970.
38. Charles Perry: "Drinking: I wanna take you higher", Rolling Stone 9 May 1974, p.49.
39. Edward Brecher and the Editors of Consumer Reports: Licit and Illicit Drugs (Boston: Little, Brown & Co. 1972), p.433.
40. See "Marijuana: A Signal of Misunderstanding", op. cit., pp.4243; Henry Brill et al: "Marijuana: A Panel Discussion", Contemporary Drug Problems 2:2 (Summer 1973), pp.269-274; Nechama Tee: "A Clarification of the Relationship between Alcohol and Marihuana", British Journal of Addiction 68:3 (Oct. 1973); Lloyd Johnston: Drugs and American Youth (Michigan: Institute for Social Research, 1973), p.202.
41. See lain Crow: "Two Groups of Cannabis Users in South London", Drugs and Society 2:9 (June 1973), p.12.
42. See for example Paul Harrison: "Young People and Drink", New Society 26: 586 (27 December 1973); Suzanne Lowry: "Teenyboozers", The Guardian 30 May 1974; Marcus Grant: "Five hours" babysitting buys a bottle of Vodka", Times Educational Supplement, 31 May 1974; Sue Read: "The Teenydrunks", The Sunday Times, 29 September 1974.
43. Brecher et al., loc. cit.
44. For a useful review of such studies and the issue of alternatives to drugs in general, see Brecher et al., op. cit., chapter 66.
45. Herbert Benson and R. Keith Wallace: "Decreased Drug Abuse with Transcendental Meditation, A Study of 1,862 Subjects", in C. Zarafonetis (ed): Drug Abuse — Proceedings of the International Conference (New York: Lea & Febiger, 1972).
46. See for example Allan Cohen: "The Journey beyond Trips: Alternatives to Drugs", Journal of Psychedelic Drugs, 3:2 (Spring 1971); Harrison Pope, Jnr: Voices from the Drug Culture (Boston: Beacon Press, 1971), pp.66-69.
47. For an example of this kind of thinking see John Staude: "Alienated Youth and the Cult of the Occult", in Morris Medley and James Conyers (eds): Sociology for the Seventies: A Contemporary Perspective (New York: John Wiley, 1972), especially p.93.
48. "Marihuana: A Signal of Misunderstanding", op. cit., p.36.
49. Erich Goode (ed): Marijuana (New York: Atherton Press, 1969), p.43. See also Charles Tart: On Being Stoned: A Psychological Study of Marijuana Intoxication (Palo Alto: Science and Behaviour Books 1971), pp.13-21.
50. Florence Halpern: "Emotional Reactions and General Personality Structure" in Mayor LaGuardia's Committee on Marijuana: The Marijuana Problem in the City of New York (Metuchen: Scarecrow Reprint Corporation, 2973), pp.130-131.
51. Nicholas Saunders: Alternative London (2nd edition: London, 1971), pp.216-217.
52. Joseph Berke and Calvin Hernton: The Cannabis Experience (London: Peter. Owen, 1974), p.205.
53. Robert Coles, Joseph Brenner and Dermot Meagher: Drugs and Youth: Medical, Psychiatric and Legal Facts (New York: Liveright, 1970), pp.32-33.
54. Reese Jones: Tetrahydrocannabinol and the Marijuana-Induced Social High: or the effects of the Mind on Marijuana, Paper presented at the New York Academy of Sciences Conference on Marijuana Chemistry, Pharmacology and Patterns of Social Usage, New York: 21 May 1971.
55. Gordon Claridge: Drugs and Human Behaviour (London: Allen Lane, The Penguin Press, 1970), p.126.
56. See for example A. Weil: "Cannabis", Science Journal 5A:3 (September 1969); N. Zinberg and A. Weil: "Cannabis: The First Controlled Experiment", New Society, 16 January 1969; A. Weil, N. Zinberg and J. Nelsen: "Clinical and Psychological Effects of Marihuana in Man", Science 162, 13 December 1968; N. Zinberg and A. Weil: "A Comparison of Marijuana Users and Non-Users", op. cit.
57. Andrew Weil: The Natural Mind (London: Jonathan Cape 1973), p.84.
58. Erich Goode: The Marijuana Smokers (New York: Basic Books 1970) especially pp.21-25.
59. For clarification of this important concept see Erving Goffman: 'The Moral Career of the Mental Patient', in his Asylums (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1968), especially p.119.
60. "The Natural Mind", op. cit., pp.17-18.
61. cf. Leon Festinger: A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance (New York: Row & Peterson, 1957).
62. Craig MacAndrew and Robert Edgerton: Drunken Comportment: A Social Explanation (Chicago: Aldine 1969). See also Jock Young: The Drugtakers: The Social Meaning of Drug Use (London: Paladin, 1971), pp.81-82.
63. Robert DeRopp: The Master Game (New York: Delta Books, 1968), p.31. For a useful review of the "conventional wisdom" see also MacAndrew and Edgerton, op. cit., chapter 1.
64. "A subordinate involvement is one (the individual) is allowed to sustain only to the degree, and during the time, that his attention is patently not required by the involvement that dominates him. Subordinate involvements are sustained in a muted, modulated, and intermittent fashion, expressing in their style a continuous regard and deference for the official dominating activity at hand". Erving Goffman: Behaviour in Public Places (New York: The Free Press, 1963), p.44.
65. cf. Peter McHugh: Defining the Situation (New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1968).
66. For what is probably the most influential discussion of the relationship between accounts and motives for deviant behaviour see Donald Cressey: "Role Theory, Differential Association and Compulsive Crimes" in A. Rose (ed): Human Behaviour and Social Processes (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1962).
67. Mart Crowley: The Boys in the Band (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1970), p .25 .
68. James Orcutt: "Toward a Sociological Theory of Drug Effects: A Comparison of Marijuana and Alcohol", Sociology and Social Research 56:2 (January 1972), p.248.
69. Norman Zinberg: "Why Now? Drug Use as a Response to Social and Technological Change", Contemporary Drug Problems 1:4 (Fall 1972).
70. Neil Kessel and Henry Walton: Alcoholism (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1965), p.12. See also Selden Bacon: "Alcohol and Complex Society", in David Pittman and Charles Snyder (eds): Society, Culture and Drinking Patterns (New York: John Wiley, 1962), pp.86-88.
71. An advertising campaign conducted for Deinhard Green Label wine in 1973 is of particular interest in this respect, conveying as it did the clear suggestion that the right quality or quantity of alcohol may be so successful in helping people to socialize that the most glaring shortcomings of the situation can fade into utter insignificance. Two advertisements, both in the Sunday Times Colour Magazine, illustrate the point: one (8 July 1973) shows a groom-less wedding reception in progress, the other (29 April 1973) a dinner-less dinner party. Both are quite clearly successful occasions, their participants without exception either smiling, laughing or engaged in animated conversation and — as one might expect — glasses of wine well in evidence. The former is accompanied by the caption "The church was double booked, the best man was late, and the bridesmaid ran off with the groom. It could have been a disaster". The latter carries the caption "The souffle sank, the duck was dry, and the peas were like bullets". Here too (of course) "It could have been a disaster". Both advertisements conclude with an inset photograph of a bottle of the wine itself and the line "Deinhard Green Label. It'll improve anything".
72. This view of the composition of common-sense conceptions about the effects of alcohol draws upon the model of consensus devised by Scheff. Diagrammatically it can be represented thus:
Individual
Individual    (others    x)
Individual    (others    (individual    x)
where x    =    the disinhibiting properties of alcohol.
=    recognize (that)
See Thomas Scheff: "Toward a Sociological Model of Consensus", American Sociological Review 32:1 (February 1967).
73. "Behaviour in Public Places, op. cit., pp.104-107. See also Ernest Becker: The Birth and Death of Meaning (Harmondsworth: Penguin 1972), pp.94- 98.
74. Kessel and Walton, op. cit., p.26. See also Sherri Cavan: Liquor License (Chicago: Aldine, 1966) especially chapter 4.
75. David Matza: Becoming Deviant (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall 1969), chapter 6.
76. "The Natural Mind", op. cit., pp.75-76.
77. Melvin Lerner and Judith Zeffert: "Determination of Tetrahydrocannabinol Isomers in Marijuana and Hashish", UN. Bulletin on Narcotics 20:2 (April. June1968).
78. R.N. Phillips et al: "Seasonal Variations in Cannabinolic Content of Indiana Marijuana", Journal of Forensic Science, 15:2 (Summer 1970).
79. Reese Jones: "Tetrahydrocannabinol and the Marijuana-Induced Social 'High' ", op. cit., p .3 .
80. Joan Marshman and Robert Gibbins: "The Credibility Gap in the Illicit Drug Market", Addictions, 16:4 (Winter 1969).
81. The Evening Standard, 20 February 1973, p.21. The technical details of this study were later published in J.W. Fairbairn et al: "Cannabinoid content of some English reefers", Nature 17 May 1974, pp.276-278.
82. Jones, op. cit , p.4.
83. ibid., pp.4-5. In view of these findings Jones is understandably sceptical of the empirical relevance of experiments in which amounts of between forty and sixty milligrams of THC have been administered to subjects. See for example Leo Hollister: "Marihuana in Man: Three Years Later", Science 172 (2 April 1971); Frederick Melges et al: "Temporal Disintegration and Depersonalization during Marihuana Intoxication", Archives of General Psychiatry 23:3 (September 1970).
84. ibid p.2.
85. See for example Claridge, op. cit., chapter 2; Henry Lennard et al: Mystification and Drug Misuse (New York: Harper & Row, 1972), chapter 6; H. K. Beecher: Measurement of Subjective Responses, Quantitative Effects of Drugs (New York: Oxford University Press, 1959).
86. See Claridge op. cit., pp.113-114. It is worth recording that when this subject was told what he had been given and then a week later given a normal dose of LSD, he reported that the drug had no effect at all!
87. Roger Meyer et al: "Administration of Marijuana to Heavy and Casual Marijuana users", American Journal of Psychiatry, 128:2 (August 1971).
88. Reese Jones: "Marijuana Myths", unpublished manuscript: cited in Lennard et al, op. cit., pp.61-62.
89. Quoted in Barbara Lewis: The Sexual Power of Marijuana (New York: Ace Books, 1971) p.38.
90. See for example the work cited by David Mechanic in his Medical Sociology: A Selective View (New York: Free Press, 1968), pp.115-131.
91. See for example Alfred Katz: "The Social Causes of Disease"; Y. Scott Matsumoto: "Social Stress and Coronary Heart Disease in Japan", both in H. Dreitzel (ed): The Social Organization of Health (New York: Macmillan, 1971). Also the evidence reported in Alvin Toffler: Future Shock (New York: Bantam Books, 1971), chapter 15.

Chapter 3
1. For clarification of the distinction between formal and subterranean values see Jock Young: The Drugtakers: The Social Meaning of Drug Use (London:
214 Marijuana use and social control
Paladin, 1971), chapter 6.
2. These twin themes may be illustrated by two further advertisements in the series: one shows a couple on horseback with the casually-attired young man grinning knowingly at the sullen but attractive blond beside him, accompanied by the caption "I used to spend my Saturdays in the launderette until I discovered Smirnoff'; the other shows a somewhat apprehensive-looking brunette, suitcase in hand, surveying her novel surroundings after having just disembarked from what might well be the Trans-Siberian Express. Here the accompanying caption is "I'd just popped out to post a letter when I discovered Smirnoff'. In both cases the abrupt transition between the two contrasting social worlds is explained by the words "The effect is shattering".
3. See note 12, chapter 1, above.
4. See Howard Becker: "History, Culture, and Subjective Experience", Journal of Health and Social Behaviour 8:3 (September 1967); also his "Knowledge, Power, and Drug Effects", in P. Rock (ed): Drugs and Politics (New Jersey: Transaction Books, 1977).
5. Part of the following discussion draws upon arguments presented in John Auld: "Drug Use: The Mystification of Accounts", in R. Bailey and J. Young (eds): Contemporary Social Problems in Britain (Farnborough: D.C. Heath, 1973).
6. See Frank Hartung: Crime, Law and Society (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1965), pp.136-166; F.N. Millett: "Criminal Responsibility of Drug Users", Journal of Drug Issues, July 1971; Michael Mansfield: "I didn't Know what I was Doing", Drugs and Society 6-8 (March-May 1972).
7. Michael Schofield: The Strange Case of Pot (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1971), p.122.
8. "Ministerial Security", The Daily Telegraph, 13 July 1973.
9. Joy Scully: "Why we must still be hard on soft drugs", The Sun 25 November 1972.
10. cf. Damien Phillips: "The Press and Pop Festivals: Stereotypes of Youthful Leisure", in S. Cohen and J. Young (eds): The Manufacture of News: Social Problems, Deviance and the Mass Media (London: Constable, 1973). Also Jock Young: "Mass Media, Drugs and Deviance", in P. Rock and M. McIntosh (eds): Deviance and Social Control (London: Tavistock, 1974).
11. "Festival police chief on drugs 'degradation' ", The Guardian, 31 May 1972.
12. cf. Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann: The Social Construction of Reality (London: Allen Lane, The Penguin Press, 1967), pp.132-133.
13. Joel Hochman: Marijuana and Social Evolution (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1972), p.15.
14. James Carey: The College Drug Scene (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1968), p.41.
15. cf. Carey, ibid., p.52: Hochman, op. cit. , p.117; Joseph Berke and Calvin Hernton: The Cannabis Experience (London: Peter Owen, 1974), p.24.
16. Erich Goode: The Marijuana Smokers (New York: Basic Books, 1970), p.125.
17 cf. Young: "The Drugtakers", op. cit.; Paul Willis: "The Cultural Meaning of Drug Use", in S. Hall and T. Jefferson (eds): Resistance Through Rituals: Youth subcultures in post-war Britain (London: Hutchinson, 1976).
18. "Outsiders", op. cit., p.49 (My emphases).
19. See David Matza: Becoming Deviant (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1969) pp.136-140.
20. See, for example, David Matza: "Subterranean Traditions of Youth", Annals of the American Academy, November 1961; Fred Davis and Laura Munoz: "Heads and Freaks: Patterns and Meanings of Drug Use Among Hippies", Journal of Health and Social Behaviour 9:2 (June 1968); Jock Young: "The Hippie Solution: An Essay in the Politics of Leisure", in I. Taylor and L. Taylor (eds): Politics and Deviance (Harmondsworth: Penguin 1973).
21. Tom Wolfe: The Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test (New York: Bantam Books, 1969).
22. ibid., pp.322-323.
23. ibid., pp.362-363.
24. cf. Davis and Munoz, op. cit.
25. Jack Kerouac: "The Origins of the Beat Generation", in T. Parkinson (ed): A Casebook on the Beat (New York: Crowell, 1961), p.73.
26. "Subterranean Traditions of Youth", op. cit., p.113.
27. /oc. cit. According to Lawrence Lipton, on the other hand, the transition from one style to another was typically only a temporary phenomenon whose occurrence was chronologically both regular and predictable. See his discussion of the "mad season" in Venice West in The Holy Barbarians (London: W.H. Allen, 1960), pp.72-79.
28. "The Hippie Solution", op. cit., pp.193-194.
29. ibid., p.201.
30. There are numerous indications of the relative affluence of and/or availability of material opportunities to beats and hippies in the United States, even if in practice this was deliberately rejected in favour of the cult of poverty. See for example Lipton, op. cit.; Ned Polsky: "The Village Beat Scene: Summer 1960", in his Hustlers, Beats and Others (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1971); Lewis Yablonsky: The Hippie Trip (New York: Pegasus, 1968). Members of the hippie subculture were indeed often criticized for accepting (if not actually demanding) parental handouts when lacking sufficient funds to maintain their lifestyle. Although Tom Wolfe says remarkably little about the financial means at the disposal of the Pranksters, his account makes it quite clear that the maintenance of their chosen lifestyle — with its massive and extravagant reliance upon expensive and highly sophisticated technological gadgetry — depended upon a level of income far in excess of anything that Kesey could have been expected to earn as a writer (and a rather haphazard one at that) — even assuming that he shared it all with them. Yet the Pranksters, as already noted, were the arch-exponents of hot hedonism in the States. It is significant for the present argument, moreover, that many of them had the benefit of a good education.
31. "The Drugtakers", op. cit., p.161.
32. "Becoming Deviant", op. cit., p.106.
33. The Sunday Post, 30 August 1970.
34. cf. Edwin Sutherland (ed): The Professional Thief (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1937); and Sutherland: Principles of Criminology 4th edition (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1947).
35. This belief system will receive further attention in chapter 5 below. Many of its central principles (including the injunction to "turn on, tune in and drop out" itself) were drawn from the writings of Timothy Leary. cf. in particular his The Politics of Ecstacy (London: Paladin, 1970).
36. Young: "The Hippie Solution", op. cit., p.202.
37. For samples of personal testimonies which quite clearly indicate this see "When it's harvesting time in trendy NW1 ." Nova, August 1971; Interim Report of the Canadian Government Commission of Enquiry: The Non-Medical Use of Drugs (Harmondsworth: Penguin 1971), Appendix B.
38. This must necessarily be something of a generalization, particularly in the case of scientific studies. However, these have always constituted a very small proportion of published material when compared with personal or literary accounts, and most are in any case fairly inaccessible to the general reader.
39. For a balanced discussion of this syndrome and the evidence relating to it, see Lester Grinspoon: Marijuana Reconsidered (New York: Bantam Books, 1971), pp.307-323.
40. Robert Walton: Marijuana: America's New Drug Problem (New York: Lippincott, 1938), p.110.
41. Mayor La Guardia's Committee on Marihuana : The Marihuana Problem in the City of New York (Metuchen: Scarecrow Reprint Corporation, 1973), pp.129-130. (My emphases).
42. ibid., p.130.
43. Charles Tart: On Being Stoned: A Psychological Study of Marijuana Intoxication (Palo Alto: Science and Behaviour Books, 1971), pp.127-128; Grin-spoon, op. cit., p.136; Hochman, op. cit., pp.16-18. See also Andrew Weil: The Natural Mind (London: Johathan Cape, 1973), p.124; Goode, op. cit., p.141.
44. First Report of the National Commission on Marihuana and Drug Abuse: Marihuana: A Signal of Misunderstanding (Washington: U.S. Govt. Printing Office, 1972), p.39.

Chapter 4
1. See Alfred Schutz: Collected Papers I: The Problem of Social Reality (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1962); The Phenomenology of the Social World (London: Heinemann, 1972). Recent elaborations upon and modifications of Schutz's ideas have mostly been mediated through the work of Garfinkel. See in particular Harold Garfinkel: Studies in Ethnomethodology (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1967). Whilst the theoretical and methodological issues raised by the recent resurgence of phenomenological sociology cannot be discussed here, it seems clear that significant differences of perspective have emerged within this tradition. See for example the articles contained in Jack Douglas (ed): Understanding Everyday Life (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1971).
2. Garfinkel, op. cit. , p.50. cf. also his earlier article "A Conception of and Experiments with 'Trust' as a Condition of Stable Concerted Actions", in C.J. Harvey (ed): Motivation and Social Interaction (New York: Ronald Press, 1963).
3. David Matza: Becoming Deviant (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1969), chapter 6. During the remainder of this section references to passages cited from this work will take the form of page numbers in the text.
4. cf. George Herbert Mead: Mind, Self and Society, edited by C.W. Morris (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963).
5. cf. Howard Becker: "Becoming a Marihuana User", in his Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance (New York: Free Press, 1963).
6. See ibid. Also Howard Becker: "History, Culture and Subjective Experience: An Exploration of the Social Bases of Drug-Induced Experiences", Journal of Health and Social Behaviour 8:3 (September 1967).
7. Erving Goffman: Encounters (Harmindsworth: Penguin, 1972), p.88.
8. For the original formulation of this concept see Leon Festinger: A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance (New York: Row & Peterson, 1957).
9. See Max Weber: The Methodology of the Social Sciences (New York: The Free Press, 1949), pp.76-79. See also Jack Douglas "Understanding Everyday Life" in Douglas (ed), op. cit. , pp.19-22.
10. Aldous Huxley: The Doors of Perception (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1959), especially pp .21-22.
11. op. cit. , pp.18-24. See also Michel McCall: "Boundary Rules in Relationships and Encounters", in G. McCall (ed): Social Relationships (Chicago: Aldine, 1970).
12. See Erving Goffman: Behaviour in Public Places (New York: The Free Press, 1963), especially chapters 3-5.
13. See Robert Merton: Social Theory and Social Structure (New York: The Free Press, 1968), chapters 10 and 11
14. Thomas Scheff: Being Mentally Ill: A Sociological Theory (Chicago: Aldine, 1966), p.92.
15. Lawrence Upton: The Holy Barbarians (London: W.H. Allen, 1960), p.73.
16. For a detailed inventory and review of the literature on this and other physiological changes see Cannabis: A Report of the Commission of Enquiry into the Non-Medical Use of Drugs (Ottawa: Information Canada, 1972), pp.111-119.
17. Jock Young: The Drugtakers: The Social Meaning of Drug Use (London: Paladin, 1971), p.37.
18. cf. Howard Becker: "History, Culture and Subjective Experience". op. cit.
19. cf. Joseph Berke and Calvin Hernton: The Cannabis Experience (London: Peter Owen, 1974), pp.112-113.
20. "Outsiders", op. cit. , p.53. It is noteworthy (particularly when considered in the light of the theory propounded in his later article cited above) that at least two of the personal accounts reported by Becker make reference to the fear of things getting progressively worse.
21. A brief attempt to spell out some of these implications can be found in John Auld: Deviant Behaviour and Social Change: The Case of Marijuana Use (Ph.D. dissertation, University of London, 1978), note28, pp.237-239.
22. cf. Andrew Weil: The Natural Mind (London: Johathan Cape, 1973), p.52; Scheff, op. cit., p.88.
23. See for example the articles on "hemp" by Bayard Taylor, "Anonymous" and Fitzhugh Ludlow in David Ebin (ed) The Drug Experience (New York: Grove Press, 1965). It is significant that in each of these cases the drug was eaten rather than smoked, since this greatly lessens predictability of outcome and increases the risk of overdose. Indeed, both Taylor and Ludlow record that they took considerably more than the recommended normal dose after having for a long time thought that the drug was having no effect upon them. As one might expect, the physical symptoms, when they did finally appear, were quite dramatic. However, as the following extract from Taylor's account suggests, their alarming character seems to have been in large measure a product of the effect of fear and anxiety upon a metabolism which by virtue of the drug was abnormally predisposed to actually be affected in this way:
In my ignorance I had taken what, I have since learned, would have been a sufficient portion for six men, and was now paying a frightful penalty for my curiosity. The excited blood rushed through my frame with a sound like the roaring of mighty waters. It was projected into my eyes until I could no longer see; it beat thickly in my ears, and so throbbed in my heart that I feared the ribs would give way under its blows. I tore open my vest, placed my hand over the spot, and tried to count the pulsations: but there were two hearts, one beating at the rate of a thousand beats a minute, and the other with a slow, dull motion. My throat, I thought, was filled to the brim with blood, and streams of blood were pouring from my ears. I felt them gushing warm down my cheeks and neck. With a maddened, desperate feeling I fled from the room, and walked over the flat, terraced roof of the house. My body seemed to shrink and grow rigid as I wrestled with the demon, and my face to become wild, lean and haggard . . .
(Ebin, op. cit. , p.49.)
24. "Outsiders", op. cit., p.50.
25. Colin Turnbull (untitled) in Ebin, op. cit., pp.109-110. (My emphases).
26. William Oursler: Marijuana: The Facts, The Truth (New York: Paul S. Eriksson, 1968).
27. ibid., p.78.
28. ibid., p.84.
29. Anonymous: "The Smoker's View", in E. Goode (ed): Marijuana (New York: Atherton Press, 1969), p.52.
30. "Cannabis: A Report of the Commission of Enquiry", op. cit., pp.49-50.
31. cf. Scheff, op. cit., pp.24-27.
32. "The Methodology of the Social Sciences", op. cit., p.71.
33. cf. the following works by Goffman: The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1971); Behaviour in Public Places (New York: The Free Press, 1963); "Fun in Games" Encounters (Harmondsworth: Penguin 1972); Interaction Ritual (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1972).
34. cf. Steven Box: Deviance, Reality and Society (London: Holt, Rinehart and, Winston, 1971). pp.155-161.
35. cf. Robert Ornstein: On the Experience of Time (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1969).
36. Jack Margolis and Richard Clorfene: A Child's Garden of Grass (New York: Pocket Books, 1970). p.29.
37. Anonymous: "The Smoker's View", op. cit. , p.57. See also the contradictory responses recorded by Goode in "The Marijuana Smokers", op. cit. , pp.154-155.
38. Frederick Melges et al: "Marijuana and the Temporal Span of Awareness", Archives of General Psychiatry 24:2 (June 1971), p.566. See also for example F. Melges et al: "Temporal Disintegration and Depersonalization during Marijuana Intoxication", Archives of General Psychiatry 23:3 (Sept. 1970); Charles Tart: On Being Stoned (Palo Alto: Science & Behaviour Books, 1971) pp.92-98; L. Clark, R. Hughes and E. Nakashima: "Behavioural Effects of Marijuana ", Archives of General Psychiatry 23:3 (Sept. 1970). For a comprehensive review of several other studies whose findings broadly support this association of marijuana with a subjective sensation of time slowing down see Lester Grinspoon: Marihuana Reconsidered (New York: Bantam Books, 1971), pp.154-160.
39. See Garfinkel: "Studies in Ethnomethodology", op. cit.; Peter McHugh: Defining the Situation (New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1968).
40. op. cit., pp .135-136. See also Garfinkel, op. cit., pp.39-42.
41. McHugh, ibid., pp.136-137.
42. "Studies in Ethnomethodology", op. cit., p.41.
43. cf. Goffman: "Encounters", op. cit., pp.18-31; McCall: "Boundary Rules in Relationships and Encounters", op. cit.
44. "Becoming Deviant", op. cit., p.133.
45. There may, however, be structured variations in the degree of such uncertainty. This possibility will be examined more fully in chapter 6.
46. "It's made so easy to join in", The Edinburgh Evening News and Dispatch. 28 May 1971.
47. Matza, op. cit. , p.139.
48. Alan Watts: "A Psychedelic Experience: Fact or Fantasy?" in D. Solomon (ed): LSD: The Consciousness-Expanding Drug (New York: G.P. Putnam & Sons, 1964), p.124.
49. cf. for example Timothy Leary: The Politics of Ecstacy (London: Paladin, 1970); "The Politics, Ethics, and Meaning of Marijuana- in D. Solomon (ed): The Marijuana Papers (London: Panther Books, 1969).
50. Paul Rock: Deviant Behaviour (London: Hutchinson, 1973), p.26.
51. cf. Matza's interesting discussion of what he terms "transparency" in "Becoming Deviant", op. cit., pp.152-153.
52. Edward Bloomquist: Marijuana: The Second Trip (Beverly Hills: Glencoe Press, 1971) p.121. The relevance of these and the above remarks can be extended to the kinds of experiences associated with use of the more powerful psychedelic drugs. The following extract from a personal account of an experiment with mescalin provides a good example:
. . . John, sitting in his chair opposite, became the focus of my attention, and as I gazed at him he began to change. I might have been looking at an impressionist portrait of him and, as I thought of this, he leered at me in an unpleasant way. The lighting changed, the whole room was darker and more threatening and seemed to become larger, the perspectives changing. However, as soon as John spoke again, I realized that it was only my strange condition.
See Humphry Osmond: "Mescalin: On Being Mad", in B. Aaronson and H. Osmond (eds): Psychedelics (New York: Doubleday, 1970), p.25. A further interesting characteristic of this statement is its implied reference to the interdependence of cognition and emotionality, which was mentioned on pp.94-95 above in connection with the aetiology of drug-induced "psychoses".
53. Quoted in Leonard Wolf: Voices of the Love Generation (New York: Little, Brown and Co., 1968), p.261.
54. David Bromwich: "Walden is Alive Again", Dissent 19:2 (Spring 1972), p.334.
55. This sentence represents an attempt to summarize some of the principal ideas expressed in an outspoken critique of the American counter-culture and the theories of its so-called apologists. See Clifford Adelman: Generations: A Collage on Youthcult (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1973).
56. ibid. , pp.94-95.
57. Erving Goffman: "The Presentation of Self in Everyday life", op. cit., pp.241-242.
58. The part played by such "invisibility" in contributing to difficulties of negotiating the reality of marijuana's effects will be considered in further detail in chapter 6.
59. Ernest Becker: The Revolution in Psychiatry (New York: The Free Press, 1974), p.68.
60. See in particular Berke and Hernton, op. cit.; Geoffrey Pearson and John Twohig: "Ethnography through the Looking-Glass", in S. Hall and T. Jefferson (eds): Resistance through Rituals: Youth subcultures in post-war Britain (London: Hutchinson, 1976).
61. For evidence of the prevalence of such feelings see for example Berke and Hernton, op. cit. , pp.182-187; Goode: "The Marijuana Smokers", op. cit., pp.153-155,167-168.
62. See "Becoming Deviant", op. cit. , p.136.
63. Charles Baudelaire: "An Excerpt from the Seraphic Theatre" in Solomon (ed): "The Marijuana Papers", op. cit. , p.223.
64. W. Bromberg: "Marihuana Intoxication: A Clinical Study of Cannabis Sativa Intoxication", A merican Journal of Psychiatry 91 (1934), p.309.
65. Edward Bloomquist: "Marijuana: Social Benefit or Social Detriment?" California Medicine 106 (May 1967), p.347. A more detailed review of the literature in this area may be found in Grinspoon, op. cit., pp.146-147.
66. For a strongly-worded repudiation of Bloomquist's claim to possession of expert knowledge about marijuana and its users, see Hunter Thompson: Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas (London: Paladin, 1972), pp.129-130.
67. "A Child's Garden of Grass", op. cit., p.31.
68. "The Marijuana Smokers", op. cit., p.171.
69. Baudelaire, /oc. cit.
70. cf. Gregory Bateson et al: "Towards a Theory of Schizophrenia", Behavioural Science 1:4 (1956).
71. This perspective is perhaps most evident in the work of R.D. Laing. See in particular his The Politics of Experience and the Bird of Paradise (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1967).
72. David Cooper: The Death of the Family (London: Allen Lane, 1971), p.13.
73. The unspecificity here is quite deliberate; it anticipates part of the discussion in chapter 6, which will be concerned with trying to account for some of the apparent variations in the extent to which these qualities of interaction are likely both to be present and to be seriously heeded by members.
74 cf. Erving Goffman: Relations in Public (London: Allen Lane, 1971), chapter 4.
75. See, for example, Stephen Abrams: "The Oxford Scene and the Law" in G. Andrews and S. Vinkenoog (eds): The Book of Grass (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1972), p.324; Ross Speck et al: The New Families: Youth, Communes and the Politics of Drugs (London: Tavistock, 1972), p.39; David Smith and John Luce: Love Needs Care (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1971), pp.122-123. In his study, Erich Goode found that 85% of respondents had listened to music while high, 40% of whom said that "their ability to become subjectively involved in the music, their emotional identification and appreciation of it, was heightened". ("The Marijuana Smokers", op. cit. pp.157-158). Similar findings are reported by Berke and Hernton (op. cit. pp.157-164).
76. "A Child's Garden of Grass", op. cit., p.38.
77. In thus referring to the dominant white subcultuie I am of course ignoring the whole tradition of black music, although there is considerable evidence indicating that marijuana has for long been a major component of this tradition too. For a schematic overview of the diffusion process as a whole, at least as it occurred in America, see Ned Polsky: Hustlers, Beats and Others (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1971), pp.170-171.
78. Quoted in "An Interview with Charles Reich", Rolling Stone 4 February 1971).
79. Anonymous: "The Smoker's View", in E. Goode (ed): "Marijuana", op. cit. p.54.
80. This remark merely skims the surface of what are in fact very heavy philosophical waters, which I do not propose to explore in any depth here. It is based most directly upon the comments of Alvin Gouldner in The Coming Crisis of Western Sociology (London: Heinemann, 1971), p.83. It also draws upon Maslow's discussion of the distinction between normal cognition and what he terms "Being-cognition". See Abraham Maslow: Toward a
Psychology of Being (Princeton: D. Van Nostrand, 1962), especially Part 3.
81. "The Natural Mind", op. cit., p.94.
82. ibid.
83. ibid., p.96. See also, inter alia, Robert De Ropp: The Master Game: Pathways to Higher Consciousness beyond the Drug Experience (New York: Dell, 1968); Buryl Payne: Getting There Without Drugs (London: Wildwood House, 1974).
84. "Becoming Deviant", op. cit., p.140.

Chapter 5
1. See for example Harold Garfinkel: Studies in Ethnomethodology (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1967), chapter 2; Aaron Cicourel: Cognitive Sociology (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1973), chapter 1; Jack Douglas (ed): Understanding Everyday Life (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1971); Paul Filmer et al: New Directions in Sociological Theory (London: Collier-Macmillan, 1972).
2. Such ambivalence is a particularly noteworthy characteristic of Douglas' work. See for example "Understanding Everyday Life", op. cit., pp.4, 30- 31, 34-35; Douglas "Observing Deviance", in Douglas (ed): Research on Deviance (New York: Random House, 1972), pp.18-33. See also Derek Phillips: Knowledge From What? Theories and Methods in Social Research (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1971).
3. See Howard Becker: Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance (New York: Free Press, 1963), chapters 3 and 4.
4. David Matza: Becoming Deviant (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1969), chapter 6.
5. ibid., p.139.
6. ibid.
7. ibid., pp.140-141.
8. ibid., p.141.
9. cf. Erving Goffman: "Where the Action is", in his Interaction Ritual (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1972), pp.156-164; Sherri Cavan: Liquor License: An Ethnography of Bar Behaviour (Chicago: Aldine, 1966), pp.8-13.
10. The wording is Goffman's. See Goffman, ibid., p.159.
11. Edward Bloomquist: Marijuana: The Second Trip (Beverly Hills: Glencoe Press, 1971), p.121.
12. See Goffman, op. cit., pp.159-163; Cavan, op. cit., pp.10-12; Kurt Wolff (ed): The Sociology of Georg Simmel (New York: Free Press, 1964), pp.45- 49.
13. cf. Peter McHugh: "A Common-sense Conception of Deviance", in J. Douglas (ed): Deviance and Respectability (New York: Basic Books, 1970).
14. op. cit., p.13.
15. International Times No. 17, (3-16 November 1967), p.4.
16. This point is examined in more detail below.
17. On this matter see Robert Merton: Social Theory and Social Structure (New York: Free Press, 1968), pp.395-407.
18. cf. Steven Box: Deviance, Reality and Society (London: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1971), pp.155-158.
19. A note on the circulation figures for these publications might be in order here. The circulation of IT increased rapidly from 5000 on its first issue to over 50,000 at its peak in late 1968, thereafter declining to a figure of around 20,000 at the time of its demise in mid-1973. The circulation of Oz, on the other hand, was running at around 40,000 by April 1970, but increased substantially after the famous Oz trial in June 1971 up to a peak of 70,000 by 1972. All these figures, it should be noted, refer to copies sold. The actual readership would in each case have been considerably larger, particularly when one considers the communal or at least deprivatized lifestyle embraced by a large proportion of the people who read these publications.
20. cf. for example Roger Lewis: Outlaws of America: The Underground Press and its Context (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1972), chapter 7; Graham Keen and Michel LaRue: Underground Graphics (London: Academy, 1970).
21. Oz no.30 (October 1970),p.39.
22. The significance of the advertising for "smoking accessories" carried by these publications should also perhaps be noted here.
23. Jeff Nuttall: Bomb Culture (London: Paladin, 1970), pp.200-201.
24. "The Perfumed Garden", IT no. 35 (12-25 July 1968) p.6.
25. cf. Sherri Cavan: Hippies of the Haight (St. Louis: New Critics Press, 1972),
67 P.    .
26. "The Perfumed Garden", IT No.38 (23 August - 5 September 1968). Interestingly, however, smiling could be used as a strategy to alienate and provoke as much as to convey genuine "peace and goodwill". See George Melly: Revolt into Style (London: Allen Lane, 1970), p.108.
27. "The Perfumed Garden", IT no.50 (14-27 February 1969), p.8.
28. Miles: "The Phragmented Philosophy", IT no.38 (23 August - 5 September 1968), p.12.
29. IT no.37 (9-22 August 1968), p.11.
30. IT no.54 (11-24 April 1969), p.13.
31. Sarah: "Pop on a Summer's Day", IT no.60 (18-31 July 1969). p.16.
32. IT no.82 (3-16 July 1970), p.20.
33. John Peel: "Days of Future Passed", Oz no. 40 (February 1972), p. 14.
34. Oz no.9 (February 1968), p.27.
35. Richard Neville: Play Power (London: Jonathan Cape, 1970), pp.66-67.
36. Oz no .31 (November-December 1970). The quotations immediately following are taken from pages 4 and 5 of the magazine.
37. See inter alia David Widgery: "Heavy on the Drum", Oz no.40 (February 1972), p.62; John Hoyland: "The Long March Through the Bingo Halls", Oz no.46 (January-February 1973), pp.16-19; Jock Young: "The Hippie Solution: An Essay in the Politics of Leisure", in L. Taylor and I. Taylor: Politics and Deviance (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1973). See also the articles in IT by Miles and Durgnat referred to above.
38. John Clarke et al: "Subcultures, Cultures and Class: A Theoretical Overview", in S. Hall and T. Jefferson (eds): Resistance through Rituals: Youth subcultures in post-war Britain (London: Hutchinson, 1976), p.66.
39. ibid., p.64.
40. Young, op. cit., p.191. See also Nuttall, op. cit., p.195.
41. Paul Rock: Deviant Behaviour (London: Hutchinson, 1973), p.44.
42. Theodore Roszak: The Making of a Counter Culture (London: Faber & Faber, 1970), p.37.
43. See Paul Barker et al: "Portrait of a Protest", New Society, 31 October 1968; James Halloran et al: Demonstrations and Communications: A Case Study (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1970). pp.4649, 79-80, 142.
44. See Melly, op. cit. For a discussion of the part played by this tendency in bringing the Mods and Rockers phenomenon to an end, see Stanley Cohen: Folk Devils and Moral Panics (London: Paladin, 1973), pp.201-202.
45. cf. Erving Goffman: Behaviour in Public Places (New York: Free Press, 1963), chapter 8 and passim.
46. Bobby Seale: Seize the Time: The Story of the Black Panther Party (London: Hutchinson, 1970), p.367.
47. James Carey: The College Drug Scene (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1968), pp.123-129, 146-149.
48. Consider for example the following remarks by Pete Townshend of The Who: "I was an early pot user — not as early as the beatniks of the '50s, but I was smoking it at art college and felt bloody superior because of it. I looked down on the people who didn't use pot". Pete Townshend: "How I kicked drugs", Titbits, 22-28 March 1973, p.24. Doubtless Townshend was not alone in experiencing such feelings.
49. John Lofland: Deviance and Identity (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall 1969), p.105 et seq.
50. ibid., p.107.
51. ibid.

Chapter 6
1. Joseph Berke and Calvin Hemton: The Cannabis Experience (London: Peter Owen, 1974), p.184.
2. The interview material cited here and later on in this chapter represents part of a larger body of such data gathered over a period of approximately eight months in 1973. It had originally been my intention to issue a formal questionnaire to a large sample of young people (Londoners in their early twenties, primarily college-educated) who had acquired a degree of familiarity with marijuana, with a view to obtaining information about their experiences with and attitudes towards the drug and the degree to which these had changed in any significant way since they had first started using it. However, this project was abandoned following the completion of an initial pilot survey, which served, in effect, merely to confirm doubts about the likely validity and usefulness of data gathered by such methods that had
already taken shape in my mind — partly, no doubt, due to the influence exerted upon my thinking by works highly critical of traditional ways of doing research. (See for example those cited in note 5 below). Acknowledging the limitations to which all research methodologies are subject, particularly when used in isolation from one another, I decided instead to rely upon a combination of the participant observation techniques that had already served as a major source of data together with a series of more detailed interviews with people contacted with the aid of the technique of so-called "snowballing". What I ended up with, in effect, were the transcripts of a number of fairly informal conversations with people who either were already known to me as users of marijuana or became known to me over the period in question in that capacity. In all, thirty-five people were questioned about their experiences with marijuana in this way, all of whom were aged under thirty and two-thirds of whom were affiliated, either directly or indirectly, to two London colleges. Most conversations were transcribed as soon as possible after they took place; only seven were recorded on tape. It should be noted that the subject of drug experiences did not constitute the sole or even the dominant focus of the great majority of these conversations. Wherever possible, moreover, an attempt was made to ensure that my respondents remained unaware of the fact that I was especially interested — let alone carrying out academic research — in this area (even though a number of them knew that I was involved in studying public conceptions of the "drugs problem"). In these two last respects I might be considered fortunate in having conducted these "interviews" at a time when marijuana use was still a subject of sufficient general interest in the circles concerned as to be introduced into the content of normal conversation without the situation automatically being redefined as one of an interview. Nevertheless, the small size of my sample and the admittedly haphazard nature of my interviewing procedures forbids the use of these conversations as a primary source of data. To repeat a point made elsewhere in this study, their principal function here is to illustrate and provide support for theoretical propositions whose validity rests upon data drawn from a number of different sources.
3. Peter Stafford: Psychedelic Baby Reaches Puberty (London: Academy Editions, 1972), p.133. It should be noted that the tendencies to which I am referring here became evident in the United States somewhat earlier than they did in this country.
4. ibid., p.130.
5. This point has been made many times in the voluminous literature concerned with research methods. For useful summaries of the relevant issues involved see Derek Phillips: Knowledge from What? Theories and Methods of Social Research. (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1971) especially chapters 3-5; Aaron Cicourel: Method and Measurement in Sociology (New York: Free Press, 1964), chapter 3.
6. Jeff Nightbyrd: "Why I don't smoke dope anymore", Crawdaddy, May 1974, p.59.
7. Cited in Hardin and Helen Jones: Sensual Drugs: Deprivation and Rehabilitation of the Mind (Cambridge: University Press, 1977). See also the rather similar statement by Joseph Rhodes in J. Campbell: "After the storm ... an eerie calm falls on the Ivy League Campus", Liverpool Daily Post 18 March 1971. According to Rhodes, "Pot parties are dull. Two years ago they were gregarious, lively affairs. Now you see students getting stoned all by themselves in a corner . . . ".
8. cf. Jack Douglas (ed): Observations of Deviance (New York: Random House 1970), p.5.
9. Erich Goode: The Marijuana Smokers (New York: Basic Books, 1970), p.169.
10. Mezz Mezzrow, in D. Ebin (ed): The Drug Experience (New York: Grove Press, 1965), p.88.
11. Michael Pickering: "Memoirs of a Kif Smoker", in G. Andrews and S. Vinkenoog (eds): The Book of Grass (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1972), pp.299- 300.
12. Charles Baudelaire: "An Excerpt from the Seraphic Theatre", in D. Solomon (ed): The Marijuana Papers (London: Panther, 1969), pp.223-224.
13. Anonymous: Go Ask Alice (London: Eyre Methuen, 1972), p.44.
14. See above, chapter 4, pp.90-93. This important concept of career clearly underpins both Becker's and Matza's analyses of the process of becoming a marijuana user.
15. See David Matza: Delinquency and Drift (New York: Wiley, 1964) pp.52- 53.
16. Even though such "initiation rituals" may represent not so much a rehearsal of subsequent activity as a symbolic demonstration of commitment to deviant membership. See, for an extreme case, Hunter Thompson: Hell's Angels (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1967), pp.54-55.
17. Two earlier important discussions of the emphasis upon being cool amongst drug users in the United States are Harold Finestone: "Cats, Kicks and Color", in H. Becker (ed): The Other Side (New York: Free Press, 1965); Alan Sutter: "Worlds of Drug Use on the Street Scene", in D. Cressey and D. Ward (eds): Delinquency, Crime and Social Process (New York: Harper & Row, 1969). One of the ways in which the present analysis diverges from both these contributions is in its argument that coolness by no means invariably represents a style of behaviour that is freely chosen, even though it may be highly valued.
18. "Going Up Country", IT no.82 (3-16 July 1970), p.10.
19. See Howard Becker: Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance (New York: Free Press, 1963), pp.66-72.
20. cf. Paul Rock: Deviant Behaviour (London: Hutchinson, 1973), pp.93-100.
21. Stanford Lyman and Marvin Scott: "Coolness in Everyday Life", in Lyman and Scott: A Sociology of the Absurd (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts 1970), p.145. (Emphases in original).
22. cf. Thomas Scheff: "Labeling, Emotion, and Individual Change", in Scheff (ed): Labeling Madness (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1975); Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann: The Social Construction of Reality (London: Allen Lane, 1967), pp.176-178.
23. See Erving Goffman: Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1968), chapter 2.
24. For the original formulation of this important concept see Erving Goffman: "Role Distance", in his Encounters (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1972).
25. See Erving Goffman: Behaviour in Public Places (New York: Free Press, 1963), p.44.
26. Another of Goffman's terms. See ibid., chapter 14 and passim.
27. Tom Wolfe: The Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test (New York: Bantam Books, 1969), p.317.
28. cf. Jack Margolis and Richard Clorfene: A Child's Garden of Grass (New York: Pocket Books, 1970), p.31; Erich Goode, op. cit., p.167.
29. See David Matza: Becoming Deviant (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1969) p.138.
30. J.L. Simmons and Barry Winograd: It's Happening: A Portrait of the Youth Scene Today (Santa Barbara: Marc-Laird, 1966), p.17.
31. Perhaps the most obvious of such purposes would be to provoke the amusement of fellow-initiates. Acted out before an audience of straight people who might be presumed to credit such a stereotype, however, such "deviance avowal" should more appropriately be regarded as being motivated by the desire to ridicule. cf. Sherri Cavan: Hippies of the Haight (St. Louis: New Critics Press, 1972), p.75.
32. Paul Willis: "The Cultural Meaning of Drug Use", in S. Hall and T. Jefferson (eds): Resistance through Rituals: Youth Subcultures in post-war Britain (London: Hutchinson, 1976). pp.108-109.
33. "Outsiders", op. cit., pp.55-56. Consider also Grinspoon's seemingly puzzled comment: " . . . strangely, users sometimes declare that the first time they did get high (as opposed to the first time(s) they used cannabis) was the best". Lester Grinspoon: Marihuana Reconsidered (New York: Bantam Books, 1971), p.136.
34. cf. John Kaplan: Marijuana — The New Prohibition (Cleveland: World Publishing Co., 1970), p.155.
35. cf. Berke and Hernton, op. cit., pp.34-43. For a clear suggestion that the stoned state was sought after, see for example Jack Herer and Al Emmanuel: Grass: The Official Guide for Assessing the Quality of Marijuana on the 1 to 10 Scale (California: Primo Publications, 1973).
36. Albert Cohen: Delinquent Boys: The Culture of the Gang (Glencoe: Free Press, 1955), pp.60-61.
37. cf. Erving Goffman: The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1971), pp.20-21.
38. See above, chapter 4, footnote 75.
39. "The Marijuana Smokers", op. cit., chapter 3.
40. Jock Young: "The Hippie Solution: An Essay In the Politics of Leisure", in L. Taylor and I. Taylor: Politics and Deviance (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1973).
41. cf. Clifford Adelman: Generations: A College on Youthcult (Harmondswoith: Penguin, 1973). Further evidence for the applicability of Adelman's ideas to the situation which developed in this country is presented below.
42. For a clarification of these terms see Goffman: "Behaviour in Public Places", op. cit., pp.69-79.
43. cf. Emmanuel Schegloff and Harvey Sacks: "Opening up Closings", in R. Turner (ed): Ethnomethodology (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1974).
44. "Becoming Deviant", op. cit., pp.140-141.
45. Note that this includes communication of the actual state of being high. By virtue of their structure and instrumentation some forms of rock music - particularly the musical tradition labelled "acid rock" - may have intoxicating properties irrespective of whatever lyric content they may possess. On this point see Stanley Krippner: "The Influence of 'Psychedelic' Experience on Contemporary Art and Music", in J. Gamage and E. Zerkin (eds): Hallucinogenic Drug Research: Impact on Science and Society (Wisconsin: STASH press, 1970).
46. "An Interview with Charles Reich", Rolling Stone 4 February 1971.
47. "Generations", op. cit., p.101.
48. "All God's children got de clap", Oz no.31 (November-December 1970), p .4 .
49. Jean Jacques Label: "Hippies are fast replacing Indians as subject matter for dishonest movies", IT no.91 (5-19 November 1970), p.22.
50. Henry Charles: "Love is a many peopled thing", Oz no.45 (November 1972), p.41.
51. Cited by Jock Young in "Introducing Doctor Freak", Time Out, 10-16 March 1972, p.13.
52. The Guardian 11 December 1972, p.9.
53. Laurie Taylor: "A too private life", New Society, 17 July 1975, p.146.
54. See Adelman, op. cit., chapters 3 and 4; David Bromwich: "Walden is Alive Again", Dissent 19:2 (Spring 1972); Smith and Luce, op. cit., pp.89, 122- 124 .
55. As might be surmised from the terms I have used here - "anomie" and "adaptations" to it - the following discussion owes a certain debt to Merton. See Robert Merton: Social Theory and Social Structure, (New York: Free Press, 1968), chapter 6.
56. Geoffrey Pearson and John Twohig: "Ethnography through the looking-glass", in Hall and Jefferson (eds), op. cit., p.123.
57. See for example the remarks by John Hoyland, cited above on pp.38-39.
58. "Generations", op. cit., pp.106-107.
59. Quoted in Henry Fenwick: "Bridging the culture gaps", Radio Times, 26 April, 1973, p.8.
60. John Collis: "Trogg Shock Revival", Time Out, 5-11 April 1974, p.16.
61. cf. in particular Andrew Weil: The Natural Mind (London: Jonathan Cape, 1973).
62. See above, pp.168-169. As Berke and Hernton's study indicates (op. cit., pp.233-243), even experienced and continuing users of the drug are by no means immune from physically unpleasant experiences with it.
63. I borrow this notion from Winick: "Maturing out of addiction is the name we can give to the process by which the addict stops taking drugs, as the problems for which he originally began taking drugs become less salient and less urgent . . . ". Charles Winick: "Maturing Out of Narcotic Addiction", Bulletin on Narcotics 14:1 (January-March 1962), p.5. As explained below, however, the key concern here is not so much with initial motives for using the drug as with the social conditions that favour the ability to enjoy its effects.
64. Barry Schwartz: "The Social Psychology of Privacy", American Journal of Sociology 73:6 (May 1968), p.742.
p.125.
65. cf. Martin Plant: Drugtakers in an English Town (London: Tavistock, 1975), pp.173-179.
66. cf. Goffman: "Behaviour in Public Places", op. cit. , pp.102-103.
67. cf. Philip Abrams and Andrew McCulloch: "Men, Women, and Communes", in D. Barker and S. Allen (eds): Sexual Divisions and Society: Process and Change (London: Tavistock, 1976), pp.265-266; Cavan: "Hippies of the Haight", op. cit., pp.151, 162-164.
68. D. Lawrence Wieder and Don Zimmerman: "Becoming a Freak: Pathways into the Counter-Culture", Youth & Society 7:3 (March 1976), p.331.
69. For a more extended treatment of this theme, see Abrams and McCulloch, op. cit.
70. Sherri Cavan: Liquor License: An Ethnography of Bar Behaviour (Chicago: Aldine, 1966), pp.56-57. See also Schegloff and Sacks, op. cit., especially pp.237-238.
71. David Matza: Delinquency and Drift (New York: Wiley, 1964), pp.50-59.
72. ibid., p.52.
73. ibid., p.54.
74. ibid., pp.53-54.
75. This was most obviously illustrated in this country by the mutually antagonistic relationship between hippies and skinheads. For some graphic expressions of this antagonism from the skinhead side see Susie Daniel and Pete McGuire (eds): The Paint House: Words from an East End gang (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1972), pp.71-72.
76. Philip Slater: "On Social Regression", American Sociological Review 28:2 (June 1963).
77. Erving Goffman: "Fun in Games", in "Encounters", op. cit., p.70.
78. ibid., p.38.
79. ibid., p.40.
80. This does not mean, of course, that such people may not have continued to use marijuana on their own. To repeat: it was primarily when the effects of the drug needed to be negotiated with fellow-users that problems were likely to arise.
81. "Becoming Deviant", op. cit. , p.140. Detailed expositions of this view include Weil, op. cit.; Robert DeRopp: The Master Game: Pathways to Higher Consciousness beyond the Drug Experience (New York: Dell, 1968); Buryl Payne: Getting There Without Drugs (London: Wildwood House, 1974).

Chapter 7
1. cf. the interesting data cited in James Orcutt: "Deviance as a Situated Phenomenon: Variations in the Social Interpretation of Marijuana and Alcohol Use", Social Problem 22:3 (Feb. 1975).
2. cf. C. Wright Mills: The Sociological Imagination (New York: Oxford University Press, 1968), pp-8-1 1.
3. See John Crutchley et al : Student Culture: 1968-1978. Final Report submitted to the Social Science Research Council (Middlesex Polytechnic, April 1979).
4. See Jock Young: "The Police as Amplifiers of Deviancy . ", in S. Cohen (ed): Images of Deviance (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1971).
5. cf. John Auld: Howard Becker, Marijuana Use and the Problem of Social Control: A Contemporary Reformulation. Unpublished paper, Middlesex Polytechnic, 1977.
6. For one set of suggestions in this vein see Nicholas Dorn: "The Conservatism of the Cannabis Debate: Its Place in the Reproduction of the Drug Problem", in National Deviancy Conference (ed): Permissiveness and Control (London: Macmillan, 1980).
7. Frank Logan (ed): Cannabis: Options for Control (Sunbury: Quartermaine House, 1979), p.16.
8. ibid.
9. cf. Erich Goode: The Marijuana Smokers (New York: Basic Books, 1970), chapter 10; Jock Young: The Drugtakers: The Social Meaning of Drug Use (London: Paladin, 1971), chapter 3.
10. See Fritz Redl: Untitled article in H. Hart (ed): Drugs: For and Against (New York: Hart, 1970).
11. Howard Becker: "Becoming a Marihuana User", in his Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance, (New York: Free Press, 1963), p.58.
12. ibid., p.56.
13. For a presentation and discussion of this evidence see Judith Blackwell: "Decriminalization of Cannabis in the United States", appendix to Logan (ed), op. cit.
14. It is perhaps worth noting that if a product (or products) of standardized potency were to become available, as might happen in a situation of full legalization, such difficulties would probably be diminished still further.
15. cf. inter alia Phil Cohen: "Subcultural Conflict and Working Class Community", Working Papers in Cultural Studies 2 (Spring 1972); John Clarke et al: "Subcultures, Cultures and Class: A Theoretical Overview", in S. Hall and T. Jefferson (eds): Resistance through Rituals: Youth Subcultures in post-war Britain (London: Hutchinson, 1976); Eli Zaretsky: Capitalism, the Family and Personal Life (London: Pluto Press, 1976).
16. Neil Kessel and Henry Walton: Alcoholism (Harmondsworth: Penguin 1965) p.12.
17. cf. David Lockwood: "Social Integration and System Integration", in G. Zollschan and W. Hirsch (eds): Explorations in Social Change (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1964).