Defending An Effective Control on National and International Drug
Trade : Challenging the International Drug Conventions
By Christophe Marchand, Member of the Brussels’s Bar
2000
1. International Narcotics Treaties
The Definition of Narcotic Drugs
From 1909 to 1988: Few Historical Elements
2. ”Use Of Drugs” in the Conventions
Between Public Health and Repression
“Use” in the 1988 Convention: the End of a Loophole ?
Textual Exceptions to Prohibition in the 1988 Convention
3. Prohibition of the use of cannabis
The Preparatory Works of the Single Convention
Is Cannabis Always Harmful for Health ?
II. About Interpretation in International Law
1. Are the Parties Bound by the Narcotics Conventions ?
Are the Narcotics Conventions Binding ?
Self-Executing Provisions of the Narcotics Treaties
Misunderstanding a Self-Executing Provision of the Single Convention
2. Drug Policy and Reserved Domain
State Freedom and Reserved Domain
The Intention of the State Parties
3. Interpretation According to the Vienna Convention on Treaties
Introduction: About Official, Textual, Contextual and Modificative Interpretation
The Textual Interpretation and the Legalization
The Limit to Textual Interpretation in International Law
Other Legal Means of Interpretation
Supplementary Means of Interpretation
State Practice and New Customary International Law as a Tool for Modification of Treaties
III. Case-study of A State Practice Towards International Drug Law
1. Legal Evolution of the Spanish Criminal Code
The Legal Criminal Impunity of the Consumer
2. Special Provisions in the Spanish Criminal Code
1. The trafficker and the immune consumer
A Unique Case of “De Iure” Decriminalization
Negative Side-Effects in a Repressive Environment
Administrative Sanction for Users and 1988 Convention
2. The difference between drugs
The Schedules of the Single Convention
Constitutional Exception: Human Rights
Constitutional Exception: National Sovereignty.
“The union of such an army might excite our surprise, but the causes of
separation are obvious and forcible: the pride of birth, the insolence of
valour, the jealousy of command, the impatience of subordination, and the
obstinate conflict of opinions, of interests, and of passions among so many
kings and warriors who were untaught to yield or to obey.”
Edward GIBBON, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, An Abridged Version, Penguin Classics, 1985, p. 573
Introduction
Is the American drug policy
the only possible one that would comply with international drug law ? The
point here, is not to describe in details what is the American drug policy. It
is enough to state that it is a repressive policy, and even an increasing
repressive policy. This simple statement is in opposition with another way of
dealing with the use of drugs: the “legalization
policy”. The question is then: is it
possible to legalize drugs within the frame of the current International
Conventions on Drugs ?
From the first Convention of
1912 to the last one of 1988, there have been huge changes in the way we
consider drugs. First, in relation with the toxicological and medical knowledge
of the products : the irrational fears of satanized substances turned into
a reasonable management of well known risks. Secondly, our society had racist
or at least ethno centrist fears towards the use of non occidental products
causing pleasure or inebriation. Nowadays we can see that these fears turned
into a cultural understanding or even, they have vanished in favour of a
massive use of those “exotic drugs”, so that they have become one of the scheme
of states, driven by worldwide or continental dynamics. Last but not least,
drug use is, has been and will be a part of human life. The religious
mastication of coca leaves by Andean people, the psychological use of Prozac by
the North American nations, as well as the drunk parties where Gauls absorb
hydromel, all these uses of psychoactive products are a part of mankind. On top
of all this, once we accept that a drug free world is not possible, we have to
deal with the use of our time and the drugs people use, how they use it. The universal society now understands and accepts
its contemporaneous way of life characterized by flash information, chemical
and electronic post-industrialization, global interactivity, urban and fast
human activities.
The ideology of drug
policies has evolved from a
survival instinct guided by
imperialistic and moral goals, to a more reasonable attitude driven by
equality, equity and dignity. The
international laws moved in their norms and ideas, the sovereign states
decided to face the International Conventions, and slowly but surely an
universal debate on drug policy have been created. The international vigils
striving for the respect of the ideology contained in the International
Covenants had to accept state practices and realize their lack of ideological
and juridical power to stop and
challenge this worldwide movement of opinion.
At
length, verging towards old age, and sometimes conquering by the terror only
of her name, she sought the blessings of
ease and tranquillity. The Venerable City, which had trampled on the necks of
the fiercest nations and established a system of laws, the perpetual guardians
of justice and freedom, was content, like a wise and wealthy parent, to devolve
on the Caesars, her favourite sons, the care of governing her ample patrimony.
(...)But this native splendour is degraded and sullied by the conduct of some
nobles who, unmindfully of their own dignity and of that of their country,
assume an unbounded licence of vice and folly.”
Edward GIBBON, The Decline and
Fall of the Roman Empire, op.cit., p.
593.
Drugs
can be[1]
either recreative (tobacco, alcohol, cocaine,…), either have a medical utility
(chemical and pharmaceutical products,…) or serve both purposes (heroine[2], opium[3],...). Opioids and cannabis
products are a kind of drugs. As a reference, we use the « summa divisio » of the three major international
conventions in the field of drugs, that differenciate between « narcotics » on the one hand and
« psychotropic substances » on the other hand. In
international law, « narcotics » are not clearly defined[4].
« Narcotics » are the
substances enumerated by the Single Convention of 1961[BM1][5], as
mentioned in article 1.1.j[6].
These narcotics[7] are
the opioids, cocaine and cannabis products. Opioids are all the narcotics
obtained from the poppy (Papaver
Somniferum L.) and listed in Schedules I, II and IV of the Single
Convention. Cannabis products are the narcotics proceeded from the cannabis
plant (Cannabis Indica L.), and listed
in the same schedules as opioids.
It
has been said that narcotics international law started with the war[8].
In fact, the two opium wars of 1839 and 1856 are at the roots of the first
international drug convention. China wanted to ban, for public health reasons,
the opium imported from India by the British Empire. In the name of the free
enterprise, Great Britain wanted the market to be free. Under the influence of
the United States, the Shanghai Convention of 1909 established the first
international regulation on trade of opium[9].
Since 1909, nine other conventions[10]
have been signed, including the Single Convention of 1961.
Today there are three major
international conventions in force in the field of international drug law. The
first one is the Single Convention of 1961[11],
as amended by the Protocol of the 25th march 1972. As we have seen
the convention regulates the three « natural »[12]
drugs. Apart from establishing an international control on the licit traffic in
drugs, the Single Convention requires Parties to the convention to take all
necessary legal and administrative measures to limit exclusively the
production, manufacture, export, import, distribution, trade, use and
possession to medical and scientific goals (article 4 of the Single
Convention). The second Convention is the Convention on Psychotropic
substances, signed in Vienna in February 1971[13].
The 1971 Convention is drafted on the model of the Single Convention but
regulates other types of drugs : the « psychotropic substances » (hallucinogens, amphetamines,
barbiturics and tranquillisers), i.e. all drugs of industrial or synthetic
origin[14].
As its model, the 1971 Convention does not define the drugs it regulates. It
enumerates in lists the drugs it controls[15].
The third convention is the United Nations Convention Against the Illicit Trade
in Narcotics and Psychotropic Substances signed in Vienna in December 1988[16].
The aim of this convention is to strengthen and complete the fight against
illicit traffic and abuse of drugs and not to regulate the licit trade [17].
The 1988 Convention requires measures against money laundering, measures in
favour the improvement of international cooperation, extradition and mutual
judicial assistance.
The Single Convention is the
most important treaty since it lays the grounds for control of licit trade and defines what is licit and
what is not. The general principle enunciated in the Single Convention is the
organisation of all activities related to drug trade: culture, fabrication,
importation, exportation, sale, distribution and use. Parties undertake to
limit the use of drugs to medical and scientific needs, in view of protecting
public health.
The Convention
establishes a worldwide control system on the licit traffic in narcotics. This
business is limited principally to the pharmaceutical purposes : the
narcotics necessary in medicine as said in the Preamble. Regarding this
framework, does the treaties authorize a state to pursue a goal that would not
be the criminalization of users and the prohibition of the use of some « evil » narcotics for medical
use ? In other words, can a state legalize and organise the use of
cannabis for recreational (and medical) purposes or the distribution of heroine to
compulsive heroine users ?
If we refer to the aim of
the International Conventions, as it appears from the Preambles, there are two
main goals. On the one hand, the fight against illicit drug trafficking and on
the other hand, the protection of the health and welfare of human beings[18].
Moreover, the words “scientific and
medical purposes » are not to be understood in a stringent fashion[19].
Some exceptions can be found, i.e., industrial, culinary or veterinary use of
narcotics[20].
But, the wordings was chosen in order to emphasize the final aim of the
Convention: “ It is therefore proposed
that the general purpose of international control should be defined in terms of
its final aims and not in terms of intermediary objectives. Consequently, the
Preamble will emphasize the positive aspect of any control of drugs, i.e., to
ensure sufficient supplies for medical and scientific requirements ”[21].
We can also refer to the first words of article 4.c that establishes a
prohibition “subject to the provisions of
this convention”[22].
This means that exceptions to the principle can be found in other articles of
the Single Convention that are serving other purposes than medical and
scientific ones.
This could obviously mean that the Convention does
not only aim at promoting the scientific and medical use of narcotic drugs but
basically, its objective would be to prohibit the use of narcotics for the
pleasure. The “recreational use” of
narcotics would then be an unknown but clearly forbidden concept in these
conventions. Well, what we can be found in opposition to the general obligation
of article 4.c in order to limit the use of drugs to the scientific and to the
medical purposes, is the hypothesis of drug abuse. Again in the third sentence of the Preamble of the Single
Convention, the Parties are « recognizing
that addiction to narcotic drugs constitutes a serious evil for the
individual and is fraught with social and economic danger to mankind »[23].
Every non-medical or scientific use would be an « abuse », by « addicts ».
But the Single Convention does not oblige a state to convict or punish a drug
abuser as a Party to the Single Convention can provide for medical or social
care as alternative to penalties. It
could mean that the repression or prohibition of use by a « non addict drug user », if it ever
exists, was not foreseen by the Single Convention. But there is more. As “ the “use” of drugs is not specifically
listed in article 36, par. 1. among the actions which, subject to its
constitutional limitations, a Party must treat as punishable offences. It
appears that it is left to the discretion of each Party to decide whether it
wishes to penalize the non-medical consumption of narcotic drugs by addicts
“[24].
It is as though the Single Convention meant to leave the drug abuser immune, as
opposed to the illicit producer or seller that should be convicted. It is quite
ambiguous : on the one hand, it is forbidden to use drugs other than for
medical and scientific purposes but on the other hand, there are no penalties
on the illicit user…
The 1988 Convention would go
further since it obliges the states to regard as a criminal offence the
possession, purchase or cultivation of narcotics for « personal consumption » (article 3.2). It is a switch in the
International Treaties. The aim of the Single Convention, apart from the
objectives we have seen below, was to provide a worldwide control system on the
production and trade in narcotics and to impose criminal offences for those who
would not respect the rules. The 1988 Convention obliges the Member States to
criminalize the personal consumption of drugs through the wordings “possession for personal use”. It is a
significant switch, as a possible root of the Single Convention (to prohibit
the habit of smoking opium or to use Indian hemp[25])
was not expressed openly. Using the
words “personal consumption”, the
1988 Convention would express something that was obvious in 1961. The need to
say it was drafted in the context of the arising debate on legalization of the
recreational use of drugs[26].
It is interesting to note that the debate would find its expression in the words
used in the Convention. Would this mean that the Single Convention is not clear
enough ? Would it mean so far that drug abuse only is regarded as forbidden ? Would this mean that personal
consumption must be totally forbidden ?
It is controversial. In the
1988 Convention the possession, purchase or cultivation of narcotics for
personal consumption is forbidden if
« contrary to the provisions of the 1961 Convention » as
mentioned in article 3.2, in fine.
Would that mean that possession, purchase and cultivation for personal
consumption can be licit ? Of course, the medical and scientific purposes
are licit. Several authors[27]
already pointed out that the interpretation of the Conventions is possible. LAP
and POLAK analyse three articles of the
Single Convention. They interpret in a large sense article 4.c and the words “medical and scientific purposes”. They understand those words as
containing the concept of “protection of
the public health”, as we can find it in the article 22 of the Convention
and in the Preamble. On the other hand reading the regulatory provisions of the
Single Convention, they see that licit culture, fabrication, sale, import,
purchase and possession of narcotics are regulated in the Convention. As far as
cannabis is concerned, they emphasise article 28.1 of the Convention: “if a Party permits the cultivation of the
cannabis plant for the production of cannabis resin, it shall apply thereto the
system of controls as provided in article 23 respecting the control of the
opium poppy”. This article explicitly mentions the possibility of a
government agency regulating production and distribution of cannabis, as
article 23 regulates in connection with opium. They propose that the governments
that are willing to decriminalize the use of cannabis put that article into
force. We can see it as an example of an interpretation of the Single
Convention. On top of this, article 3.2 of the 1988 Convention limits the
obligation to a State to criminalize the possession for personal consumption by
the « constitutional principles » and the « basic concepts of its legal system ».
It means that some national legal principle can exclude the criminalization of
the cultivation, purchase and possession of narcotics. It could be, for
example, the right to health, or the right to freedom of behaviour, or the
disproportion between the means used to fight illicit drug business and
consume, and the ineffectiveness to reach the desired goal, or even the right to
pleasure as a part of the right to the Privacy.
Furthermore, the 1988
Convention did not banish the ambiguity contained in the principle “prohibition
without sanction”. The Conventions would oblige the Parties to provide for a penalty
on drug consumers. Even if it is not put into force. It is the “tolerance policy”, the « de facto
legalization ». Tolerance in the sense that the Criminal Law of a
country must establish that consuming drugs is prohibited by the Criminal Code.
« De facto » in the sense
that the Criminal Law still exists and that the legalization is not « de jure », by a reform of the
Criminal Code. But, in the application of the law, a State is not obliged to
convict or punish: an “expiation fee” can be enough. Using drugs for
pleasure is a taboo and it would be a « wrong message » to authorize their recreational use. The
problem is that a “de facto”
legalization of the use of narcotics is unfair: as the law remains, as its
application or non-application will depend on the will of the people in charge
of the enforcement of the law. This is unfair as the people with a good social
and family situation, and well-educated could escape from penalties while the
others could not. It is unfair as the policy will not be the same from one
place to the other in a same state. It can be seen as a violation of the basic
and constitutional concept of equality towards law, thus also as a violation of
a human right.
As a first conclusion we can
say that the Conventions does not obviously
prohibit the decriminalization of the culture, purchase, possession of
narcotics for personal consumption. The treaties leave room for a formal
legalization (« de iure »)
of recreational use of drugs even though it is controversial. On the one hand
we have seen that the “constitutional
exception” can be put into force. This means that a government could
reasonably defend the point of view that some of its constitutional principles
hamper the criminalization of the recreational use of drugs. On the other hand,
a government can also declare that the Convention needs to be interpreted in
the sense that the protection of public health requires a regulation of the use
of narcotics for pleasure, in conformity with the international and national
administrative control system of the 1961 Convention.
Now I wish to discuss a
special issue related to the use of cannabis. If we look at the official record
[28]of
the discussions held prior to the conference that was to create the Single
Convention, we find that the “cannabis
question” has been a controversial item. In fact, there were disagreements
between the delegates. On the one hand, some of them considered that the use of
cannabis was not dangerous and on the other hand, some considered that cannabis
could be used as a medical drug. First, I shall consider the recreational drug
use. When I wrote above that “recreational
use” is unknown in the Convention, I must confess that it was not entirely
true. In fact, article 49 of the Single Convention contains the transitional
reservations to the Convention. It permits one State to tolerate the
traditional use of opium smoking, cannabis using and coca leaves chewing during
25 years. Besides, what is specific to cannabis, is that the Indian
representative said during the discussions that using the leaves of cannabis is not harmful and that: “India could not afford the expense of combating a relatively harmless
habit”[29].
Furthermore, the Canadian representative said that it was necessary to find “a formula which could cover that social but legitimate use of the leaves”[30].
“Social but legitimate use”. As far
as I know, it is the first and last time that this expression was used.
Consumption of cannabis leaves for pleasure is not prohibited by the Single
Convention as the Representatives found it was not a dangerous drug. It is very
important though to note that the authors of the Single Convention did not
excluded every single recreational use of drugs. The Indian Representative
really had to convince the other Representatives, and he did succeed. The
discussion was so controversial, that the item was sent to an “ad hoc committee” that would try to
conciliate the points of view. The Indian Representative fiercely kept his
point of view, so that the definition of cannabis as drafted, was changed to
exclude the leaves. The definition of cannabis is now (article 1.1.b): “”Cannabis” means the flowering or fruiting
tops of the cannabis plant (excluding the seeds and leaves when not accompanied
by the tops) from which the resin has not been extracted, by whatever name they
may be designated”. The leaves of cannabis are therefore not in any
Schedule of the Single Convention. But it does not mean that the cannabis
leaves are a totally free drug in the International Law: “The leaves of the cannabis plant (…) are not “drugs” in the sense of
the Single Convention.(…). Parties are not bound to prohibit the consumption of
the leaves for non-medical purposes, but only to take the necessary measures to
prevent their misuse. (…). The conditions under which non-medical consumption
might be permitted might also depend on the outcome of the studies which at the
time of this writing are being carried out concerning the effects of the use of
the leaves”[31].
Now, we don’t know what happened to those studies, …
Nevertheless, the problem of
medical use is related to that of social use since at the time the Convention
was drafted, it was not sure whether cannabis was harmful or could be used as a
medical drug. Cannabis as a medical drug… Some representatives indeed (such as
the representative of the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic) claimed that
cannabis and cannabis resin were being used in indigenous medicine, and that it
could not be prohibited. On the other hand, other representatives (such as the
representative of France) claimed that some therapeutic use could possibly be
found in the future for cannabis, so that it should not be simply and purely
prohibited. A third position was that of the USA, in favour of a complete
prohibition of cannabis as a “stepping
stone” to heroine. In fact, the value
of cannabis as an antibiotic or as a sedative, was pointed out by the
Secretary-General of the United Nations in a note (“Medical use of cannabis”)
published a few months before the Conference started[32].
Attached to this note was the report by the WHO over “The merits of antibiotic substances obtainable from cannabis sativa”[33].
The Secretary General concluded that the Conference must consider the “possible modification of the provisions of
the Single Convention in order to permit the use of cannabis for the extraction
of useful drugs”.
Cannabis is now listed in
schedules I and IV of the Single Convention. Just like heroine. Schedule IV is
supposed to be the more stringent one. It recommends to the Parties a total ban
on any drug it mentions. Yet it is only a recommendation and a state may still
consider that this drug may be used as a medicine. As far as the recreational
use of narcotics is concerned, we have seen that the textual approach provides
for exceptions to the prohibition of the possession, purchase and culture of
narcotic drugs for personal consumption. Furthermore, cannabis has a special
statute as we can find it in the preparatory works of the single convention.
This contextual approach confirms the textual one and at this stage, we can
draw the following conclusions. First, we can say that cannabis leaves are not
a drug and dealing with it does not oblige the state to use article 28: a state
can authorize the recreational use of it without violating the Single
Convention. Secondly we must note that cannabis resin or the flowering tops and
fruiting tops of it are drugs, even though their medical use is not excluded by
the Single Convention but, article 28 must in this case be put into force.
Thirdly, it is obvious that if a state decides to legalize cannabis, for
medical or recreational use, it will have to comply with the administrative
provisions of the Single Convention and to explain its legal arguments, as well
as to deal with the International Narcotics Control Board, such as it has been
the case for Switzerland with respect to the heroine trial and for The
Netherlands to the coffee shops. Fourthly, we cannot say that the goal of the
Single Convention (and of the 1988
Convention) is clearly and obviously the prohibition of all the recreational
use of narcotics and it is then necessary to interpret those international
treaties.
“The political and secret transactions of two statesmen who laboured to
deceive each other and the world must forever have been concealed in the
impenetrable darkness of the cabinet if
the debates of a popular assembly had not thrown some rays of light on the
correspondence of Alaric and Stilicho. The necessity of finding some artificial
support for a government which, from a principle not of moderation but of
weakness, was reduced to negotiate with its own subjects had insensibly revived
the authority of the roman senate; and the minister of Honorius respectfully
consulted the legislative council of the republic.”
Edward GIBBON, The Decline and Fall of the
Roman Empire, op.cit., pp. 577-578.
Small bibliography
-
Michel VIRALLY, Le
droit international en devenir, Presses universitaires de France, Paris,
1990.
-
Jean J.A. SALMON, Droit
des Gens, 12th edition, Presses Universitaires de Bruxelles,
Bruxelles, 1994, 777 pages.
-
Ian BROWNLIE, Principles of Public
International Law, 5th edition, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1998,
743 pages.
-
Nguyen QUOC DINH, Patrick DAILLIER and Alain PELLET, Droit International Public, 6th
edition, L.G.D.J., Paris, 1999, 1.455 pages.
-
Jan KLABBERS, The Concept of
Treaty in International Law, Kluwer Law International, The
Hague-London-Boston, 1996, 307 pages.
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Oscar SCHACHTER, International Law
in Theory and Practice, Martinus Nijhof Publishers-Kluwer Academic Publishers,
Dordrecht-Boston-London, 1991, 431 pages.
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Antonio CASSESE, International Law
in a Divided World, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1986, 429 pages.
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Myres S. McDOUGAL, Harold D. LASSWELL and James C. MILLER, The Interpretation of Agreements and World
Public Order, Principles of Content and Procedure, Yale University Press,
New Haven and London, 1967, 410 pages.
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Nancy KONTOU, The Termination and
Revision of Treaties in the Light of New Customary International Law, Clarendon
Press, Oxford, 1994, 169 pages.
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Bin CHENG, « La jurimétrie : sens et mesure
de la souveraineté juridique et de la compétence nationale », Journal du Doit International, 1991, pp.
579-599.
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J.P COT and A. PELLET, La Charte des Nations-Unies, Commentaire article par article, Edition
Economica, Paris, 1991.
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Jean COMBACAU and Serge SUR, Droit International Public, Edition Montchrestien, 1993.
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Fernando R. TESON, « Le Peuple, c’est moi ! The World Court and Human
Rights », The American Journal of
International Law (Vol.81 1987), pp. 173-183.
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Mohamed BEDJAOUI, Droit
International, Bilan et Perspectives, Edition Pedone, Paris.
In a recent book over the concept of treaty in
international law, KLABBERS writes : «any
study dealing with the concept of treaty will sooner or later have to come to
terms with wider notions as to what is meant by law in general, and by
international law in particular »[34].
In fact, we can recall the theory saying that a law without a sanction (this
means enforced in a court of law) is not binding. Do the Narcotics Conventions
build a system of norms providing with sanctions in the event their provisions
would not be respected ? The answer is obviously negative. To the best of
my knowledge, no case was ever dealt with by the International Court although
it has jurisdiction over the settlement of these disputes according to the
Single Convention (article 48) and the 1988 Convention (article 32). We might
think that the international organisations or bodies operating in the field of
control and enforcement of the Narcotics Treaties[35]
have the possibility to sanction an offender. We face here the concept of
« sanction » in
international law… Should a moderate condemnation in appropriate wordings in
the yearly report of the International Narcotics Control Board be regarded as a
proper sanction ? Does a visit in a country by a delegation of the
INCB amount to a punishment ? Well,
to my point of view, it is not, and these actions are the only ones the INCB
ever permitted to undertake. Although, the Single Convention empowers the INCB
to impose an embargo on all narcotic products against an alleged offender of
the treaty. Although the Board can draw the attention of United Nations Bodies
on the behaviour of a state…
We must depart from this rather unrealistic
view : international drug law does exist even if no sanction but for a
moral condemnation is provided. And this is the point : international
(drug) law is of course binding[36],
even without sanctions. It is far out
of my intellectual reach to theorize on the existence of law, but I can see
that states respect, more or less, international treaties. It is rather a
matter of « credit, confidence,
consideration and compromise »[37]
than a matter of sanction. The treaty, according article 26 of the Vienna
Convention on Treaties must be performed by the parties in good faith, it is
the adagio « pacta sunt servanda »[38].
Furthermore, international treaties can be a direct
source of internal or municipal law for the provisions that are self-executing,
i.e. sufficiently clear in order to be directly used in municipal law without
any legislative or administrative intervention of the state. Most provisions of
the Narcotics Conventions are not self-executing. This means that the state
party must take legislative measure in order to respect it. Furthermore, it
certainly gives a greater power of interpretation to the states in the application
of the treaty and it permits a reform of the « application law » if
the state thinks a new one would better fit the goals and obligations of the
Narcotics Treaties. Only very few provisions of the treaties could be
self-executing : for example, part of article 36 of the Single Convention
on criminal provisions and the « non
bis in idem » principle,
article 7 on mutual legal assistance[39]
in the 1988 Convention and article 11 on controlled deliveries[40]
in the same convention. One pitiful example of direct application of article 36
of the Single Convention can be found in Belgian Law.
Illicit importation or
illicit exportation of narcotics can be one same behaviour : a trafficker
going from France to Belgium, carrying drugs. This person is trialed twice for
the same facts : once in Belgium for importation and once in France for
exportation : two trials, two sentences, two jails, one French and one
Belgian. The Belgian « Cour de
Cassation »[41]
referred in 1989, in a classical fashion, to the different goals that are
protected under Belgian and French Law with respect to the second trial of a
drug trafficker. But there is more : the Court also referred to the Single
Convention. In its article 36.2.a..i,
the convention asks that : « each of the offences enumerated in paragraph 1, if committed in
different countries, shall be considered
as a distinct offence ». We
find in paragraph 1, the two offences we are tackling with :
illicit importation and illicit exportation of narcotics. Since the goals of
both the Belgian and French Criminal Law are becoming identical i.e. « the protection of the interests of the European people »[42],
the Court had to refer to the Single Convention in order to be able to conclude
that the second trial, even though obviously relating to the same facts, was
legal. I would like to evidence the real significance of article 36.2.a.i of
the Single Convention. Does it aim at putting someone on trial twice in a row ?
We will analyse the preparatory works of the Single Convention and the Commentary on the Single Convention,
drafted by the UN Secretary General. Did the Single Convention really mean to have a drug
trafficker judged twice ? Is the Single Convention as repressive as the
« Cour de Cassation »
wanted it to be ? I believe not : the aim of this article was only to
make sure that the drug trafficker would not escape to any trial, and
not to have him condemned twice or more because of his so called particularly
bad behaviour. First of all, article 36.2.a.iv of the Single Convention puts a
condition precedent to the application of article 36.2.a.i : the
offender shall be prosecuted by the Party on whose territory the offence was
committed if such offender has not been prosecuted and if no judgement has been
rendered. It is worth mentioning the Single Convention Comment[43]
relating to article 36.2.a.i : « it
(clause (i)) is not intended to violate the principle « non bis in
idem » (prohibition of double jeopardy)( ...) ». This article
only aims at avoiding that a country provides for a shelter to a trafficker[44] :
the extensive descriptions of the
offences aims at giving jurisdiction to the largest possible number of States.
We can find the same opinion in the
discussions that took place during the Conference held prior to the
Single Convention : the members emphasized that this article 36.2.a.i was
not intended to violate the « non
bis in idem » principle[45].
That is the reason why a special clause was added in the article 36 : it
is the constitutional exception that permits one State not to apply a rule if
it is contrary to its constitutional and legal system. It seems that pursuant
the Belgian « Cour de Cassation »
case law the principle « non bis
idem » was none of these exceptions. Some of the members of the
Conference feared exactly what happened
in Belgium during the last thirty years : that someone would be trialed
twice for the same facts, in a clear breach of a human right.
It has been said that the current drug policies are
inefficient[46]. But
there is more, in the sense that the prohibitionist policies could be viewed as
a danger. It is a danger for human rights and for democracy. It is also a tool
for imperialistic politics by the United States as it has, inter alia, permitted this
State to send military forces in some countries to assure the
enforcement of, for example, the so-called « eradication of culture »
policy[47].
This means that by implementing and interpreting the Narcotics Conventions in a
certain way, the United States of America and the international drug control
bodies are influencing on internal affairs of many countries. One can see this
as a breach to national sovereignty, to the right to natural resources[48]
and further more, as actions against the economical, cultural, social and
political independence of a country[49].
The duty of non-intervention is one of the basic principles of the Charter of
the United Nations and of the relations between States or between a State and
an international organisation[50].
Drug policies are so misused and have such important consequences in many field
of social life, that saying that by choosing a drug policy[51],
a State makes a choice of an economical, cultural, social and political system
can be seen less polemical than at the first sight.
One of the corollary to the
freedom and to the sovereignty of the states, although controversial, is that there is a field where they remain
free : the reserved domain[52].
International law organizes the pacific coexistence of independent States. The
limits to the independence of a state is not defined : the burden of proof
that a policy is breaking the limit does not bear on the alleged offender but
on the one who sustains that sovereignty does not authorize a state to act in
the way he does[53]. In
other words, a State that does not comply with the strictest interpretation of
the Narcotics Treaties arguing that it acts within its reserved domain would
not need to prove, before a Court, that doing so is not a breach of
international law. On the other hand, the claimer will have to prove that the
stringent interpretation and the so-called impossibility to legalize drugs
does affect the reserved domain and prevents
the alleged offender to act as he does. It could be argued that national
sovereignty is not infringed by the administrative ruling of the Single
Convention on licit drug traffic but by the (politically) strict interpretation
of the conventions. It can be sustained that states do not the freedom anymore
to choose and implement their own political, economical and social system.
As a consequence, on one hand not only, the
systematic, institutional, economical, military and police intervention of the
United States could be considered as a breach to International Law, but it also
it could be considered that the
repressive drug policies affect the internal affairs of the states so deeply
that it broke into the reserved domain of the States. Such domain is, of
course, limited by treaties : sovereignty is abandoned by a state as soon
as it signs a treaty on that particular matter. Such was the case with respect
to the Single Convention and the 1988 Convention. Yet I mean to argue that the
choice of drug policies, if ever limited
by the provisions of a treaty, cannot result in the abandon of sovereignty in
other fields unless it was willingly meant. This is especially so if those fields
are closely related to human rights issues and to the constitutional protection
of freedom of individuals and states themselves… With this respect it must be
noted that the intention of parties is an important element when one
construes a treaty.
The interpretation process in international law is
based on different principles than those ever used in domestic law. For
example, the interpretation given to the 1988 Convention and to the Single
Convention by United Nations bodies or International Drug control bodies,
although they might call it « official »,
is not the authentic in the view of the
1969 Vienna Convention on Treaties. It is also worth noting that in
international law States are keeping
their sovereignty. The world is not a federation of States, such as the United
States of America, Mexico, Switzerland or Belgium. Sometimes, treaties empower
an international body to construe a treaty[54].
Such is not the case in international drug law. Practical application of
treaties and state practices are highly important in order to construe treaties
properly. Furthermore it was once said that « the process of interpretation through subsequent practice is legally
distinct from modification, although the distinction is often rather fine »[55].
Interpretation and modification of a treaty can be very close. Apart from the
formal modification or amendment of the Single Convention or of the 1988
Convention, such as foreseen in article 47 of the first and article 31 of the
last, international law accepts that a treaty may be modified by a consistent
practice of states[56].
I would be tempted to say that even if the text was sufficiently clear standing
alone which the Narcotics Treaties are not, the state parties may still claim
to interpret the said treaty. By doing so they can refer to the ordinary and
natural meaning of words, to the context of the treaty at the time it was
drafted or even interpreted, to its object and purposes, to the preparatory
works of the treaties, to the teleological approach and of course, to their own
practice. Even if article 31 of the Vienna convention establishes as first
principle the « textual approach »
of a treaty, BROWNLIE writes that « the
textual approach in practice often leaves the decision-maker with a choice of
possible meaning and in exercising that choice , it is impossible to keep
considerations of policy out of account. Many issues of interpretation are by
no means narrow technical inquiries »[57].
Thus states are obviously entitled to interpret a treaty[58].
Nevertheless, if a dispute occurs between parties, there is still, according to
the Narcotics Conventions, one body that can put an end to it, which is the
International Court[59].
Thus, a `mixed method` can be regarded as a rule of interpretation in
international law[60],
even if the textual approach seems to be preferred by some prominent authors[61]
and by the Vienna Convention of 1969.
The most difficult method of interpretation for the “legalizers” would be the textual one[62].
One clear limit to freedom of interpretation is a clear text: article 31 of the
Vienna Convention on the treaties states: “A
treaty shall be interpreted in good faith in accordance with the ordinary
meaning to be given to the terms of the treaty in their context and in the
light of its object and purpose.” The question is then: does the text of the Narcotics Treaties clearly exclude the legalization of drugs for
recreational use ? Thinking about the meaning of words, we must then define
them in compliance with their customary use. What do we mean by legalization,
by decriminalisation or by depenalization[63]
? First of all, all the three terms refer to a kind of “legal criminal policies”, in the sense that to each wording
corresponds a state criminal law policy. “Depenalization”
would then mean the legal process, by which a milder sanction is given to a
behavior that still remains criminally forbidden. “Decriminalization”, on the other hand, refers to a process wherein
a behavior is not criminally sanctioned any more: no criminal sanction
whatsoever still applies to that behavior. It is important to note that “decriminalization” and “depenalization” can be “de facto” or “de iure”. The “de iure”
process refers to the fact that law is changed and that the application does
not depend on the whims of the national authorities in charge with its
enforcement. “Legalization” then is a
process by which a behavior is not forbidden anymore. Furthermore, we must
distinguish between “liberalisation”
and “regulation”. The first refers to
a system where the state does not mean to influence on a considered behavior
and allows the market to regulate its trade. The second describes a system of
control and organization of a considered behaviour. Therefore, it is sometimes called “controlled legalization”[64].
Returning to the textual interpretation, we can note
that the words “recreational use” are
not mentioned in the Narcotics Conventions. We can also recall that the text of
the 1988 Convention clearly allows a
state not to criminalize the possession, purchase and culture for personal
consumption in the name of the “constitutional
exception”. Of course, we still have
to tackle with article 4 of the Single Convention and the “exclusive” limitation of the use of drugs to medical and scientific
needs therein mentioned. Some major analysts of the Single Convention have once
written that this specific point must be interpreted in order to be properly
understood. WADDEL[65]
wrote that article 4 aims at limiting to medical and scientific goals the production of narcotics[66].
NOLL argued that the Convention is not clear, so that it must be determined
whether it excludes the legalization of drugs. The Secretary-General of the
United Nations noted that article 4 did not exclude other uses than the medical
and scientific ones. Nevertheless, a strict textual interpretation of article 4
has led NOLL to consider that “”legalization”
of drugs in the sense of making them freely available for non-medical and
non-scientific purposes – as it is sometimes demanded by public mass media and
even experts on the subject – is without any doubt excluded and unacceptable
under the present international drug control system as established by the
international treaties”, yet he also wrote that “the treaties are much more subtle and flexible than sometimes
interpreted”[67]. The
strict textual interpretation also leads us to the first words of article 4 : “Subject to the provisions of this convention”.
It is a clear reference to other provisions in the Single Convention that could
provide with exceptions to aforementioned principle. Article 4 of the Single
Convention together with article 36 of the same and article 3 of the 1988 Convention, make it clear that the
exclusive wording of article 4 does not exclude the legalization of drugs for
recreational use, bearing in mind that legalization is defined as a criminal
law policy that should be understood under the criminal provisions of the
treaties, and not under the administrative ones. Article 36 of the Single
Convention does not oblige State Parties to criminalize the purchase,
possession or culture of drugs for personal consumption. Article 36 provides
for an obligation of the states to
repress illicit traffic. Even if the “dealer-consumer”
can avoid criminal sanctions thanks to article 36.1.b. of the Single
Convention. Indeed, the consumer is not
the target of the criminal provisions of article 36. As a consequence the cited
authors properly sustained that the Narcotics Conventions must be interpreted
since the treaty is not clear enough. The Vienna Convention does not limit the
general rule of interpretation to the strict textual one[68].
Article 31.1 also allows the interpreters to look into the context and the
object and purpose of the interpreted treaty.
It would be unfair to write that interpretation of the
Narcotics Conventions unequivocally leads to a progressive meaning of the
treaties, i.e. an interpretation that allows the legalization of drugs for
personal consumption or for leisure. My meaning is that state parties remain
free to give the interpretation they want. The Vienna Convention allows the
interpreter a lot of tools. Article 31
§2 of the Vienna Convention on Treaties states: “2. The context for the purpose of the interpretation of a treaty shall
comprise, in addition to the text, including its preamble and annexes: (a) any
agreement relating to the treaty which was made between all the parties in
connection with the conclusion of the treaty; (b) any instrument which was made
by one or more parties in connection with the conclusion of the treaty and
accepted by the other parties as an instrument related to the treaty” and
§3 continues: “there shall be taken into
account, together with the context: (a) any subsequent agreement between the
parties regarding the interpretation of the treaty or the application of its
provisions; (b) any subsequent practice in the application of the treaty which
establishes the agreement of the parties regarding its interpretation; (c) any
relevant rules of international law applicable in the relations between the
parties” and finally, §4 states “4. A
special meaning shall be given to a term if it is established that the parties
so intended “. In these provisions we can find a clear legitimating of the
interpretation seen below, as proposed by POLAK and LAP. The Vienna Convention
on treaties certainly gives a priority to the intention of states, but also
considers fundamental the reference to the preamble and to the entire text of
the interpreted convention. Viewing the international legality of the
legalization of the recreational use of drugs, it can be argued that the
protection of public health, seen as a primary goal of the Narcotics
Conventions can be considered as better achieved through legalization than by
means of repression. On the top of this, taking into account the wish of
control of all the drug business by state agencies, established by the
Narcotics Conventions, the legalization is a more efficient and reasonable, way
to achieve this goal then to let a great part of the trade in “dirty hands”. Furthermore, the
legalization of drugs will not change the Narcotics Treaties into voided norms.
All the regulatory provisions of the Single Convention will of course be needed
to organize this extension of the
licit market in drugs governed by the treaty. The 1988 Convention will also
remain an effective tool to tackle the illicit drug traffickers that would
continue the business. Last but not least, in international law, it is the
choice of a state to interpret a convention in a determined sense. The state
exercise this competence through particular agreements with other states or
through unilateral declarations explaining its point of view.
Article 32 of the Vienna convention states: “Recourse may be had to supplementary means
of interpretation, including the preparatory work of the treaty and the
circumstances of its conclusion, in order to confirm the meaning resulting from
the application of article 31, or to determine the meaning when the
interpretation according to article 31: (a) leaves the meaning ambiguous or
obscure; or (b) leads to a result which is manifestly absurd or unreasonable
“. This provisions provides other arguments to confirm the “public health interpretation”
made by the Dutch authors. It can be noted that this position is the official
Dutch one as stated by the Minister of Foreign Affairs at the UNGASS in June
1998. On the one hand, the preparatory works of the Single Convention confirm that article 4 does not exclude the
use of drugs for other purposes than the medical and scientific ones. We have
seen below that a “social but legitimate”
use of drugs was discussed and accepted by the delegates at the Conference. On
the other hand, if we still remain on the strict interpretation, one can
consider it as ambiguous, in regard of the lack of criminal sanction in the
penal provisions of the Narcotics Treaties. One can also consider the
interdiction of the legalization of the non-medical and non-scientific use of
drugs unreasonable as it leads to
extensive and structural damages for the public health of state parties.
If we are still not at ease with the extensive
interpretation of the treaty or at least with the sole legal possibility of
that interpretation, we can use a conservative opinion and argue that the
Vienna Convention on Treaties does not apply, even as a rule of customary law,
on the Single Convention, as the Vienna Convention entered into force on 27
January 1980[69] .
The Vienna Convention on Treaty would not apply on the Single Convention as it
is not retroactive in effect[70].
This would then mean that the “old rules”
of interpretation would be still in effect. These rules let a vast area of
freedom to every state in the interpretation of its conventional obligations.
It consist of such rules[71]
as “in dubio mitius”, i.e. if in
doubt, the least unfavorable interpretation to the subject of an obligation
must be chosen, or “ultra posse nemo
obligatur”, i.e. no one is bound beyond what he can do... Furthermore, we can refer to so-called theory
of the emergent rule of customary law[72].
According to this opinion, “supervening
custom can also be taken into account in order to clarify ambiguities or fill
gaps in treaty text”[73].
Moreover this way of understanding “new international law” permits the
interpretation of a treaty in the light of new customary rules that are
contrary to its meaning[74].
KONTOU writes: “One party has the right
to call for termination or revision of a treaty on account of the development
of new custom. State practice offers a number of examples where one or several
of the parties clearly and forcefully argued for termination or revision on
accounts of its incompatibility with supervening custom.(...) In the end, the
treaty was expressly abrogated, revised or replaced by a new treaty; or it was
brought to an end or modified by subsequent practice of the parties. In other
case the process of treaty adaptation to supervening custom was longer and at
times more controversial, but the same result was finally achieved” [75].
An author has called this kind of rule of international law “wild custom”[76]. Another one wrote that the dynamic of
change in international law can pass by the violation of an old rule, to come
to a new and more reasonable or equitable one[77].
In fact, a state can adopt a determinate illegal behavior towards a rule of
international law, because this state think it is the right answer to a social,
political, environmental, economical or cultural problem. And there begins the
end of the old rule...
“The
correspondence of nations was in that age so imperfect and precarious that the
revolutions of the north might escape the knowledge of the court of Ravenna
till the dark cloud which was collected along the coast of the Baltic burst in
thunder upon the banks of the Upper Danube”
Edward
GIBBON, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, op.cit., p. 572
Let’s try to argue
that the international covenants tend to be repressive, bearing in mind the
hereafter mentioned reservations. Does it mean that sovereign states have lost
the power to choose the drug policy they want to implement ? At first
sight the answer might seem positive. The Spanish situation will give a
moderate answer. Even though it demonstrates that a state can decriminalize the
use, possession, purchase , culture of drugs in the Criminal Code itself.
The practice of the
Spanish State towards international drug law is very peculiar. On the one hand
we can observe a legal evolution of the Spanish Criminal Code, parallel to the
International Covenants (I). On the other hand, Spain kept peculiarities that
seem to show that this state wanted to keep its sovereignty in drug policy, in
compliance to its constitutional principles, said drug policy seen as a field
of social, public health and judicial policy (II).
Small Bibliography
-
Francis CABALLERO, Droit
de la drogue, Précis Dalloz, Paris, 1989, pp.664-672
-
Angel Javier MARTINEZ HIGUERAS and Fernando MOYA
LORENTE, Legislacion sobre drogas,
Segunda edicion, Biblioteca de textos legales, Madrid, 1990, 1.423 pages
-
Grupo de Estudios de Politica Criminal, Una alternativa a la actual politica sobre
drogas, Secciones de Cadiz, Malaga y Sevilla del Instituto Andaluz
Interuniversitario de Criminologia – Jueces para la democracia – Instituto de
Criminologia de la Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, 1992, 132 pages
-
Javier Ignacio PRIETO RODRIGUEZ, El delito de trafico y el consumo de drogas en el ordenamiento juridico
penal espanol, Segunda edicion, Editorial Aranzadi, Pamplona, 1993, 686
pages
-
Constitucion
Espanola, Textos Legales, Boletin Oficial del Estado, Madrid, 1993, 274 pages
-
Francisco RUBIO LLORENTE (Ed), Derechos fundamentales y principios constitucionales (Doctrina
jurisprudencial), Ariel Derecho, Barcelona, 1995, 793 pages
-
Ignacio DE OTTO, Derecho
Constitucional, Sistema de fuentes, , 4.a reimpresion, Ariel Derecho,
Barcelona, 1995, 315 pages
-
Francisco Javier BLANCO HERRANZ, Derecho de las drogodependencias, Legislacion y trabajos parlamentarios, Coleccion informes y
documentos, Parlamento Vasco, Vitoria-Gasteiz, 1989, 1060 pages
-
Catalina VIDALES RODRIGUEZ, « La ultima reforma
del Codigo penal en materia de drogas »,
Revista General de Derecho, Ano XLIX, Abril 1993, Num. 583, pp. 2725-2744
-
Manuela CARMENA CASTILLO, « La législation
actuelle et les possibilités d’alternative », Psychotropes, Vol. V, N° 1 and 2, Winter 1989, pp. 29-31
-
Jose Luiz DIEZ-RIPOLLES, « Les politiques
anti-drogues en Europe occidentale », Psychotropes,
Vol. V, N° 1 and
2, Winter 1989, pp. 55-61
The Spanish Criminal Code evolved in four
phases.[78]
1. The Code of 1822 already forbids the sale and business of
substances poisonous for health and without therapeutic interest[79].
The criminalization of the illicit pharmaceutical trade will be completed by
the reform of 1928 in the course of which the repression of the “illicit
traffic in narcotics and toxic substances » was added. Up to 1971,
numerous reform of the Criminal Code confirmed the words used
« narcotics », clearly refering reference to the International
Conventions.
2. In 1971 the Spanish criminal legislator
has profoundly changed article 344 of the Criminal Code in order to comply with
article 36 of the Unique Convention as ratified by Spain in 1966. The aim of
the reform was to define offences related to traffic in a more complete and
less vague fashion. The objective was to boost the repression against drug
traffickers, in particular with respect to sanctions (up to 20 years) and
definition of the offences. Spanish authors harshly criticized this new
regulation because in mind judges are arbitrarily empowered to choose a
sanction, varying from 6 month to 20 years. On the other hand, they considered
that there should be a distinction among drugs, criticized the fact that drug
consumer could be prosecuted only because of the detention of narcotics and
that the concept « toxic and narcotic drug » were not clearly
defined..
3. Together with the end of the franquist Era and the promulgation
of the democratic constitution of 1978, the Spanish Criminal Code was once
again reformed. Between 1980 et 1983, a fundamental change took place aiming at
replying to the former criticism. The number of offences was diminished and a
difference was made between different types of drugs. In the meantime,
detention of drugs remained a criminal offence only to the extend it also
implied traffic. In other words, the consumer became immune in the Criminal
Code itself.
4. The last reforms of 1988 and
1992, resulting in the New Criminal Code of 1995 were adopted in order
to increase the repression of the traffic in narcotics and to have Spanish Law
complying with the 1988 Convention, ratified by Spain in august 1990. The
aggravating circumstances were changed, the money laundering in connection with
drug trafficking was criminalized, the status of the repentant defined, as well
as the police drug controlled delivery. However, this reform did not infringe
immunity of the consumer[80].
In conclusion the Spanish
legal drug statute has considerably evolved. It is quite surprising to note
that since 1980, the drug consumer is not legally
subject to criminal sanctions and that the law differentiates between the different types of drugs. It is even more
so since we noted that the legal reform aimed at enforcing the Single
Convention and the 1988 Convention while these treaties can be interpreted as
rejecting such legislation.
In order to
understand the peculiarity of the Spanish case, and to appraise their
compliance with international drug law, Spanish legislation and its application
must be deeper looked into.
In June 1984, the General prosecutor of Spain
published a comment on article 344 of the Spanish Criminal Code[81].
The General Prosecutor stated that possession of drugs for personal use,
without trafficking, does not amount to a crime. For a long time, the Supreme
Tribunal of Spain considered that possession of drugs for personal use was not
an offence as it did not induce a commercial goal[82].
Later on, in spite of the repressive reform of 1971, the Supreme Tribunal
confirmed its doctrine, by deciding that the possessor-user was also immune
even if he was not a « real addict »[83].
It was finally in 1983, after controversial doctrines, that the legislator
intervened[84]. It
seems to be unique, since it is the first time in the occidental world,
according to CABALLERO, that in Criminal Law itself, the user is not
criminalized because of illicit possession of drugs. It must be emphasized that
the Spanish Parliament had the courage, in the name of individual freedom and
protection of the drug addict[85],
not to follow the repressive trend observed throughout the scope of the world
by the parties to the Conventions. Nevertheless immunity of the consumer must
be clarified. On the one hand it resulted in an extensive doctrine by Spanish
tribunals defining the trafficker. On the other hand, possession for personal
consumption and public use of narcotics have been punished by an administrative
fee since 1992[86].
First of all, the notion of trafficker is widely
defined. The Spanish Law distinguishes between three types of drug
possessors : the consumer, the trafficker possessor of « notably important amounts of drugs »
(article 344 bis, a.3) and the trafficker who only possesses small quantities.
The trafficker possessor of « notably
important amounts of drugs » is more heavily condemned
than the two other ones : it is an aggravating circumstance. The issue
whether an offender is a simple trafficker, an important one or a single
consumer, is left to the appreciation of courts. Tribunals will have then to
proceed to a « meticulous analysis of each case »[87].
This principle has given birth to several - sometimes contradictory -
decisions. On December 28th ,
1987[88],
the Supreme Tribunal decided that the detention of 320 grams of hashish was not
a sufficient amount in order to consider that the traffic was not important[89]
while the same Supreme Tribunal decided on
December 9th , 1984 that 90 grams was a sufficient amount
with this respect[90].
Broadly, it seems that when an amount of 1.000 grams of hashish is possessed,
the aggravating circumstance of the delict is proven[91].
In order to differentiate between a consumer and a trafficker, the Tribunal
looks into several elements such as : a larger than usual amount of drugs,
whether the possessor is an addict or not, the place where the drug is found,
the financial ability of the possessor, …[92]
For example, the existence of a precision balance and of a few plastic bags
proved the commercial goal of the possessor[93].
On top of all this, the detention of 0,940 grams of cocaine and of 0,015 grams
of heroine were considered sufficient for a user to be a trafficker. In fact,
the Supreme Tribunal estimated that
« possession, in order to qualify as
aggravating circumstance, had to be that of someone who intends to distribute
drugs”. In that particular case,
the court was dealing with the following circumstance: the possessor was
an addict and his neighbors were complaining about addicts, gathering in the
residence of the offender[94].
As far as the administrative sanction is concerned, it
should also be noted that an administrative law of 1967 prohibited the use of
drugs even though its breach was not sanctioned[95].
As a conclusion, it should be noted that even after the law 1/1992 of 21st
December 1992 (« law of
citizen security »), the drug consumer was not criminally
penalized for the use or purchase of drugs, or even for the possession,… [96].
At this stage of our study we can see that the Spanish State is not complying
with its international obligations with that
respect, if we consider that the Single Convention requires to take
every administrative and legal measures to prohibit any non medical and
scientific use of drugs, in the more stringent interpretation, and if we
consider that the 1988 Convention requires State Parties to criminalize the
possession of drugs for personal use.
As we know, the Spanish Criminal Code differentiates,
since 1983, between « hard »
and « soft » drugs, i.e.
drugs « that cause a great damage to
health » and the others. The Supreme Tribunal declared several times
that hashish, the resin of cannabis, was
not a drug that causes great damages to health[97].
The Tribunal considered that hashish was the « prototype »[98]
of a soft drug and that « by its
very nature, it does not cause great
damage to health »[99].
On the contrary, the Supreme Tribunal decided that cocaine[100]
and heroine[101]
were causing great damages to health and were « hard » drugs. It is quite surprising that in order to define
cocaine as a hard drug, the Supreme Tribunal referred to the Schedules of the
Single Convention, as we know that cannabis resin is classified in the
« hardest » Schedule (Schedule IV), with the heroine, and that
cocaine is in Schedule I but not in the Schedule IV where only the drugs with
« particularly dangerous properties »
are listed…
The Supreme Tribunal[102]
also made a distinction among cannabis products : « in the
glandular hair of the plant, where there
are the products containing
resin, concentration in tetrahidrocannabinol varies between 5 and 12 %,
while the flowers and the leaves of this plant, this rate falls down to 4 to 8
% for the first and to 0.4 to 4 % for the latter ; we will have to take
this difference into account in order to determinae the specific aggravating
circumstance whether one deals withs hashish, that is prepared with the
resinous parts of the plant, or « griffa » or marihuana that is made with the leaves
and flowers »[103].
Furthermore, the same decision restates the distinction between « oil
of hashish », « 4 or 5 times richer than the hashish »,
according to the Tribunal, and the « resin of hashish »… We
can wonder whether the Supreme Tribunal will still consider cannabis, the rate
in THC of which is higher than 12 % as a « soft drug ».
This double violation of the contents of the Single
Convention and of the 1988 Convention are critical. The difference between soft
and hard drugs is « at the first sight » contrary to the
International Conventions that do no make that
specific difference between narcotics. The most astonishing element is that
the Supreme Tribunal justifies its distinction on the Single Convention in
order to consider cocaine more dangerous than cannabis. Where the contrary is
stated in the former Convention. Who is right ?
We have seen that several laws has been adopted in
order to comply with the Narcotics Treaties. These are the administrative law
of 1967[104] and
the criminal law of 1992[105].
The preambles of these laws clearly
explain that the reforms are following the Single Convention and the
1988 Convention[106].
As far as the prohibition of the use of narcotics is concerned, we must recall
article 3.2 of the 1988 Convention that states that « subject to its constitutional principles and the basic concepts of its
legal system, each Party shall adopt such measures as may be necessary to
establish as a criminal offence under its domestic law, when committed
intentionally, the possession, purchase or cultivation of narcotic drugs or
psychotropic substances for personal consumption contrary to the provisions of
the 1961 Convention, the 1961 Convention as amended or the 1971
Convention ». The Spanish Law of 1992 did not modify the Criminal Code
in that way. In the preamble of this law it is never said that it is necessary
to criminalize the use of narcotics[107].
May we consider that the administrative fee of public use and of possession
responds to the « criminal offence »
criteria asked by the 1988 Convention ? The answer is negative. In fact,
if the Hague Convention of 1912 requires States to « punish » the use of narcotics (article 20), the 1988
Convention goes further and reinforce the wordings of article 36 of the Single
Convention for the criminalization of the illicit drug trafficking[108].
In the light of the preparatory works[109]
of the Single Convention and of the commentary made by the UN Secretary-General[110],
it is clear that the Narcotic Treaties aim at
criminalizing behaviors and not
at applying administrative sanctions[111].
It seems that rather then bringing the Spanish Law in
compliance with the 1988 Convention, the administrative sanction of the law
1/92 of citizen security seeks to find a compromise in a question of internal
politics. In fact, there is a controversy between a conservative tendency[112]
and a very influent reformist tendency requiring the legalization of all drugs and the
denunciation of the Narcotic Treaties[113].
The administrative sanction of the use of drugs does not meet the requirement
of article 3.2 of the 1988 Convention, but the Spanish State did not care. I
can see two reasons for this « breach » : the importance of
constitutional rights in the Spanish constitution and the attachment to the
national sovereignty.
First of all, the young democratic Spanish State is
not a sheep and constitutional rights is of the highest interest in Spanish
politics. It would have probably been impossible to infringe individual freedom
in the post-franquist Spain[114],
fiercely worried about this newly conquered rights. Individual freedom is
embodied in article 1.1 of the 1978 Constitution : « Spain is a social and democratic State under
the rule of law, that promotes as superior values of the judicial order,
freedom, Justice, equality and political pluralism ». Even if these
are rather vague goals that are to be sought by the parliament, rather than
norms with a determinate content[115]
the position of this provision as first article of the Constitution is very
significant. After the dictatorship of Franco, the criminal repression must
respond to very strict criteria to be legitimate [116] :
Criminal Law is seen as the ultimate way to solve a social problem, and is only
authorized if other means of action do not provide for an efficient solution
(keeping in mind the pursued goal, i.e. public order or public health in the
case of narcotics)[117].
Moreover, Spain is a « Social State », and the Constitution in
article 43 requires public services to organize and to promote the public
health with preventive measures and to permit adequate use of leisure. The constitution foresees explicitly
preventive action as a means to protect public health and one can thus better
understand the opposition to criminalize the use of drugs, seen as a way to
enjoy leisure time[118].
Secondly we have to recall the importance of national
sovereignty in the Spanish Constitution as article 1.2 states that :
« national sovereignty is in the
Spanish people, from which come the powers of the State ». If Spain is
a party to all drug conventions, these are considered as merely of
administrative norms if not composed by « general declarations »
for the penal dispositions[119].
The constitution of 1978 rules the place of treaties in Spanish Law in its
articles 93 to 96. Treaties are lesser important norms than the Constitution
and must respect the constitutional rights[120] :
article 9.5 states that « the ratification –celebration- of an
international treaty that contains dispositions that infringe the constitution
requires the previous revision of the Constitution ». On the other
hand, normative dispositions of treaties are equal to laws of the Spanish
Parliament. The question is then : what happens if a treaty is contrary to a
law [121]?
First of all, the treaty must have been adopted by the Spanish Parliament in
the form of law (which is the case for all the Drug conventions[122]).
Then article 96.1 of the constitution provides that once published in Spain, it
will be part of Spanish Law and that the provisions will only be changed,
infringed or suspended in respect of what the treaty or International law
authorizes. This mean that the Treaty is a « higher » source
of law than the Spanish Law. So it is very mysterious that Spain did not
changed its Criminal Code after the 1988 Convention that asked the
criminalization of drugs for the possession of narcotics by users…
All this could mean that Spain applied the « constitutional
principle exception » as foreseen in article 3.2 of the 1988
Convention consciously or unconsciously. The same explanation may justify the
distinction between drugs and the earlier mentioned contradiction with the
Single Convention. In this case the treaty does not state that national constitutional rights may grant a
ground for an exception to its dispositions. It is then in application of its
own internal law and in virtue of the superiority of its Constitution on the
Single Convention that the latter is not respected until now…
It is as it would be a « double exception of
constitutional rights ». On the one hand the one mentioned in the 1988 Convention and on other
one mentioned in the Municipal Law of a state (Spain) that for reasons of
internal politics and of constitutional rights, or in other words for reasons
of national sovereignty, decided not to comply the Narcotics Treaties, and
keeps doing so.
“Yet party spirit, however pernicious or absurd, is a principle of union
as well of dissension. The bishops, from eighteen hundred pulpits, inculcated
the duty of passive obedience to a lawful and orthodox sovereign; their
frequent assemblies and perpetual correspondence maintained the communion of
distant churches; and the benevolent temper of the Gospel was strengthened,
though confined, by the spiritual alliance of the catholics.”
Edward GIBBON, The Decline and Fall of the
Roman Empire, op.cit., p. 623.
In a book on international law SCHACHTER wrote: “When
I first met Mr La Guardia on business in his office, his first question to me
was: “Sonny”, he said (this was a long time ago) “are you a hot lawyer or a
cold lawyer ?” I looked at him rather blankly, and he said, “Well, if you are
hot lawyer, I am going to get myself a cold lawyer; and if you are a cold
lawyer, I am going to get myself a hot lawyer”. This rather dumbfounded me, and
I said, “Does this mean I am through ?” He said, “No, you are not through. But
I need both of you. I need a hot lawyer to tell me that I can do what I want to
do, and I need a cold lawyer to tell me I cannot do What I don’t want to do”[123].
According to LA GUARDIA everything could
be argued in law. I do not agree. It is not the point to try by all means to
find a “legalization suitable” interpretation of the Narcotics treaties.
We have seen in chapter one and two that the treaties can be interpreted. It is
only a matter of application of general international law.
On the top of this I believe that the treaties must
be interpreted. The rule of law is endangered by forty years of increasing
repression. The human rights are in danger[124].
The voice of human rights have entered United Nations Bodies through the Human
Rights Committee on behalf of Human Rights Watch. At the Session of the
Narcotics Commission of March 1998 the Finnish Delegate also complained about
possible infringement of human rights. It is a good step in the right
direction. The states and the NGO’s must be encouraged to do so. In the meantime some states are changing
their policy, they can do it in compliance with the Narcotics Treaties, and
must continue to interpret the Narcotics Conventions in that progressive
sense.
[1] Francis CABALLERO, Droit de la drogue, Précis Dalloz, Paris, 1989, p.VIII.
[2] On the use of heroine as analgesics by the English Medicine, See Jeffrey MARKS, “L’héroïne comme traitement pour quels toxicomanes ? Résultats et perspectives », Perspectives, 1995, n°27, p.39.
[3] On the medical virtues of opium, See Francis CABALLERO, op.cit., p. 433 and Éric FROMBERG, « Les effets physiologiques des opiacés et de la prohibition sur la santé », Perspectives, 1995, n°27, p.20.
[4] On the ambiguity of the definition of narcotics
in international Law, See Abel CORNEJO, Los
delitos del trafico de estupefacientes, Buenos Aires, 1991, pp. 23-28 and ,
Francis CABALLERO, op.cit., pp.26-32
et p. 419.
[5] Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs
of 1961, as amended by the Protocol of 25 May 1972, named hereafter as « Single Convention » .
[6] « «Drug» means any of the substances in Schedules I and II,wether natural
or synthetic », but specially the French wordings : « Le terme « stupéfiant » désigne toute
substance des Tableaux I et II, qu’elle soit naturelle ou synthétique »..
[7] This word means usually the three
families of natural drugs, but etymologically, the word « narcotics » comes from the
Greek « narkôtikos »,
« that has the propriety to get
asleep » in Dictionnaire
historique de la langue française, Dictionnaires Le Robert, Paris, 1994,
p.1304; this word is then not convenient for cocaine products (stimulants) and
for cannabis products (hallucinogens), international drug law has thus its own
vocabulary that is not the same as the medical one, see Abel, CORNEJO, op.cit., pp. 26-27 et Francis,
CABALLERO, op.cit., pp. 418-419.
[8] About the history of international drug law see Adolphe LANDE, « La codification du droit international des stupéfiants », Annuaire Français du Droit International, 1956, II, pp.557-559, Ian G. WADDELL, « International Narcotics Control », American Journal of International Law, 1970, n°2, pp.311-315, Claude-Henri VIGNES, « Les modifications apportées à l’organe international de contrôle par les amendements à la convention unique sur les stupéfiants », Annuaire Français du Droit International, 1972, p.629, Mario BETTATI, « Le contrôle international des stupéfiants », Revue Générale de Droit International Public, 1974, I, pp. 174-180 and Francis CABALLERO, op.cit., pp.38-49.
[9] International Opium Commission, Shanghai, 1909, Vol. I et II, King and Son,
Londres.
[10] Convention de La Haye (1912), Recueil des Traités de la S.D.N., Vol.VIII, p.187, Convention relative à la suppression du commerce et de l’usage de l’opium préparé (1925), Recueil des Traités de la S.D.N., Vol.LI, p. 337, Convention internationale sur l’opium (1925), Recueil des Traités de la S.D.N., Vol. LXXXI, p.317, Convention pour la limitation de la fabrication et la réglementation de la distribution de stupéfiants (1931), Recueil des Traités de la S.D.N., Vol.CXXXIX, p.301, Convention de Bangkok (1931), Recueil des Traités de la S.D.N., Vol. CLXXVII, p.373, Convention de Genève (1936), Recueil des Traités de la S.D.N., Vol.CXCVIII, p.299, Protocole de Lake-Success mettant sous contrôle international certaines drogues non réglées par la Convention de 1931 (1946), Recueil des Traités, ONU, Vol.12, p.179, Protocole à la Convention de 1931 (1948),Recueil des Traités, ONU, Vol.44, p.277, Protocole pour la limitation et la réglementation de la culture du pavot à opium et pour la production, le commerce international, le commerce en gros et l’usage de l’opium (1953), Recueil des Traités, ONU, Vol.456, p.3.
[11] « Single »
as, stated by article 44 (« Termination
of previous international treaties »), the single Convention aims to
change all the previous texts and to simplify and rationalize the system of the
international drug control.
[12] « Natural »,
because these three drugs are extracted from plants (opium - poppy; haschisch - cannabis; cocaine- « pasta
basica » - coca leaf).
[13] Named hereafter the 1971 Convention.
[14] Francis CABALLERO, op.cit., p. 55.
[15] See article 1.e of the 1971 Convention.
[16] Named hereafter the 1988 Convention or one of
the Narcotics Conventions if mentioned with the Single Convention. For a
comment on the 1988 convention, see D.W. SPROULE, “The UN Drug Traficking
Convention: An Ambitious Step”, Canadian
Yearbook of International Law, 1989, Vol.XXVII, pp. 263-293, Faiza PATEL,
“Crime Without Frontiers: a Proposal for an International Narcotics Court”, Journal of International Law and Policy,
1990, Vol.22, pp.709-747, Julian J.E. SCHUTTE, “Extradition for Drug Offences:
New Developments under the U.N. Convention Against Illicit Trafic in Narcotic
Drugs and Psychotropic Substances”, Rev.Int.Dr.Pé.,
1991, Vol.62, pp. 135-157, Lorenzo Jesus DEL RIO FERNANDEZ, “Tráfico de drogas:
delito internacional”, Revista General de
Derecho, 1993, n°588, pp.8081-8085, Dorte LOPEZ PARDO, “Narcotic Drugs”, United Nations: Law, Policies and Practice,
1995, Vol.2, n°97, §13 and Lane PORTER, “Comparative Drug Treatment Policies
and Legislation”, The International
Lawyer, pp. 702-703.
[17] See article 2.1 of the 1988 Convention:
« the purpose of this Convention is
to promote co-operation among the Parties so that they may address more
effectively the various aspects of illicit traffic in narcotic drugs and
psychotropic substances having an international dimension ».
[18] Single Convention, Preamble,
par.1and 1988 Convention, Preamble, par.1. ;
Commentary on the draft Single Convention, 4 June 1952, pp.37-39.
[19] Commentary on the
draft Single Convention, 4 June 1952, pp.14-15.
[20] Commentary on the
draft Single Convention, 4 June 1952, pp.14-15 and United Nations Conference for the adoption
of a Single Convention on Narcotics Drugs,
Official Records, Vol. I, 1964, p.25.
[21] Commentary on the
draft Single Convention, 4 June 1952, p.14.
[22] See the French version of this article : « sous réserve des dispositions de la présente
convention ».
[23] Emphasise is from the author.
[24] Commentary on the
Single Convention on Narcotics Drugs, by the UN Secretary General, 1973, p.111.
[25] Commentary on the
draft Single Convention, 4 June 1952, p.14 and p.32.
[26] D.W. SPROULE, op.cit., pp.268-270, this author also emphasize the desire of
producing countries and specially of Mexico that the Convention should not only
put obligations on the producing countries but also on the consuming ones.
[27] Mario LAP and Freek POLAK,
“Response to the report on 1992 by the INCB (International Narcotics Control
Board)”, see in the drugtext on the
internet and GILMOUR, Glenn, “The international Covenants “prohibiting”
drug activities”, ibidem.
[28] United Nations Conference for the
adoption of a Single Convention on Narcotics Drugs, Official Records, Vol. I, 1964, pp.58-62.
[29] United Nations Conference for the
adoption of a Single Convention on Narcotics Drugs, Official Records, Vol. II, 1964, pp.174-178.
[30] Ibidem, emphasize by the author.
[31] Commentary on the
Single Convention on Narcotics Drugs, by the UN Secretary General, 1973,
pp.315-316.
[32] UN Secretary General, Medical use of cannabis drugs,
E/CONF.34/5 of 24 November 1960.
[33] See E/CN.7/399 of 5 December 1960
and also ECOSOC, Resolution 730 E (XXVIII).
[34] Jan KLABBERS, The Concept of Treaty in International Law, Kluwer Law
International, The Hague-London-Boston, 1996, p.37.
[35] These are the International
Narcotics Board (INCB), the Narcotics Commission, the UNDCP, the General
Assembly, the Economical and Social Council and the Secretary General of the
United Nations
[36] Ian BROWNLIE, Principles of Public International Law, 5th edition,
Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1998, pp. 627-630, Jean J.A. SALMON, Droit des Gens, 12th edition,
Presses Universitaires de Bruxelles, Bruxelles, 1994, p.80 and Nguyen QUOC
DINH, Patrick DAILLIER and Alain PELLET, Droit
International Public, 6th edition, L.G.D.J., Paris, 1999, pp.
215-228.
[37] Harold NICHOLSON, Diplomacy, Oxford, 1952, p.144, cited by
Jan KLABBERS, op.cit. p.67.
[38] Jan KLABBERS, op.cit. pp.38-39, Ian BROWNLIE, op.cit.,
p.620, Jean J.A. SALMON, Ibidem
and Nguyen QUOC DINH, Patrick DAILLIER and Alain PELLET, op.cit., pp. 216-219.
[39] SPROULE, D.W., op.cit., pp.285-287 and Julian J. E. SCHUTTE, op.cit., p.135.
[40] SPROULE, D.W., op.cit., p.286, contra Christian DE VALKENEER, “Les opérations sous-couvertures et la recherche proactive dans les instruments internationaux”, in Françoise TULKENS et Henri-D. BOSLY, La justice pénale et l’Europe, Bruylant, Bruxelles, 1996, p.360.
[41] See
Cour de Cassation, 29/11/1989, Pasicrisie belge, 1989, p.386, and in
the same sense, Cour de Cassation, 29/6/1999, Information et Documentation Juridique, 1999, November 99-9, p.56..
[42] See the Treaty on the Application
of the Schengen Agreement of 19th of June 1990 that contains
provisions to oblige state parties to apply the « non bis in idem » principle in Europe, seen as a single criminal
territory.
[43] Commentary on the
Single Convention on Narcotics Drugs, United Nations, New York, 1973, pp. 431-432.
[44] See also Note by the Secretary General, Commentary on the draft Single Convention,
4 June 1952, Commission on Narcotic Drugs, E/CN.7/AC.3/4/Rev.1.
[45] Meeting of the 13th of march
1961, Summary Records of the Committees, United
Nations Conference for the adoption of a Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs.
Official Records, Vol.II, New York, United Nations, 1964, pp.241-244, Meeting of
the 17th of march 1961, Summary Records of plenary meetings, United Nations Conference for the adoption
of a Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs. Official Records, Vol.I, New
York, United Nations, 1964, pp.145-150.
[46] Hans T. VAN DER VEEN, “The
International Drug Complex”, Cedro – Online Library.
[47] On the impact of the American drug
policy on internal affairs of other states, see Ken BLUESTONE and Tom BLICKMAN,
“Lessons to Learn”, The World Today,
(1998, June), 54 (6), pp. 4-6, David Mc DONALD, “Notes and Comments”, Regulating Cannabis Conference Proceedings, The Lindesmith Center- Online Library, 1998, Bill SPENCER, “Foreign Policy in Focus: Drug
Certification”, Foreign Policy in Focus,
3(24), September 1998 and Daniel W. DREZNER, The Sanctions Paradox, Economic Statecraft and International Relations,
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1999, p.316.
[48] About the right of the people on
their natural resources in drug law, see the proposed amendment to the Single
convention introduced by Peru in 1971 : E/CONF 63/C2/SR 15.
[49] See Resolution
2625 (XXV), U-N Assembly General, 24th October 1970, Bengt BROMS,
« Les Etats », in Mohamed BEDJAOUI, Droit International, Bilan et Perspectives, Edition Pedone,
Paris, ?, pp. 63-67, Benedetto CONFORTI, « Le principe de
non-intervention », in Ibidem,
pp. 489-505 and Fernando R. TESON, « Le Peuple, c’est moi ! The World
Court and Human Rights », American
Journal of International Law (Vol.81 1987), pp. 181-183.
[50] J.P COT and A. PELLET, La Charte des Nations-Unies, Commentaire article par article, Edition
Economica, Paris, 1991, p. 141 and 152-160 and Jean COMBACAU and
Serge SUR, Droit International Public,
Edition Montchrestien, 1993, p. 253.
[51] legalization versus prohibition, to make it short.
[52]
On that concept, See Ian BROWNLIE, op.cit.,
pp. 293-294, Jean J.A. SALMON, op.cit, pp.513-522,
Nguyen QUOC DINH, Patrick DAILLIER and Alain PELLET, op.cit, pp. 434-446 and the critical point of view of Bin CHENG,
« La jurimétrie : sens et mesure de la souveraineté juridique et de
la compétence nationale », Journal
du Droit International, 1991, p. 579-599, especially the description of the
point of view pleaded by the United States of America in the Nicaragua Case, i.e. that the
determination of what is of national interest only depends on goals and
political interpretation made by the State involved (C.I.J., Activités
militaires et paramilitaires au Nicaragua et contre celui-ci (compétence et
recevabilité), C.I.J., Rec. 1984, pp.434-441).
[53] See Jean COMBACAU
and Serge SUR, op.cit.,
p.253 :explanation of « The
Lotus Case » (C.P.J.I., Arrest of 7 september 1927, Série A, n°10),
and pp.248-251 :explanation of the case « Régime douanier entre l’Allemagne et l’Autriche » (Avis du 5
septembre 1931, C.P.J.I., Série A/B, n°41) and of the use by the French
Constitutional Court of the theory of the « essential conditions to the exercice of sovereignty ».
[54] For example the WHO or the IMF, see
Nguyen QUOC DINH, Patrick DAILLIER and Alain PELLET, op.cit., p.256.
[55] Ian BROWNLIE, op.cit., p.631.
[56] Ibidem.
[57] Ian BROWNLIE, op.cit., p.636.
[58] About the power of
states to interpret treaties, see the uninamous authors : Michel VIRALLY, Le droit international en devenir,
Presses universitaires de France, Paris, 1990,
p.349, Ian BROWNLIE, op.cit.,
p.631, Nguyen QUOC DINH, Patrick DAILLIER and Alain PELLET, op.cit., p. 252.
[59] See article 32.2 of the 1988
Convention, and article 48.2 of the Single Convention.
[60] In the same sense and stating that
this leads to numerous controversial discussions, see E. VAN BOGAERT, “ De
interpretatie van verdragen”, in Recht in Beweging, Kluwer, 1973, p.1.072.
[61] Jean J.A. SALMON, op.cit., p. 91 and Nguyen QUOC DINH,
Patrick DAILLIER and Alain PELLET, op.cit.,
p. 258, contra, see the
description of an original method :the principle of projecting expectations,
the principle of anticipated solution, the examination of logical
relationships, the principle of supplementing expectations in harmony with
public order goals, the principle of promoting stable future expectations, the
principle of explicit rationality and the contextual principle must be mixed,
according Myres S. McDOUGAL, Harold D. LASSWELL and James C. MILLER, The Interpretation of Agreements and World
Public Order, Principles of Content and Procedure, Yale University Press,
New Haven and London, 1967, pp. 386-390.
[62] See Krzysztof KRAJEWSKI, “How
Flexible are UN Drug Conventions ?”, Regulating Cannabis Conference Proceedings,
op. cit.
[63] Christine GUILLAIN and Christophe
MARCHAND, “La réglementation du cannabis à la lumièred des conventions
internationales”, in Brice DE RUYVER (Ed.), La
politique en matière de drogues en Belgique : développements actuels »,
Bruxelles-Antwerpen-Apeldoorn, , Bruylant-Maklu, p.300 and with slightly
different definitions : Eric SINGLE, “Options for Cannabis Reform – An
Overview”, Regulating Cannabis Conference Proceedings,
The Lindesmith Center- Online Library, 1998.
[64] see Francis CABALLERO, “Une
alternative à la prohibition des drogues : la légalisation
contrôlée », in Mario BETTATI, L’ONU et la drogue, Association
française pour les Nations Unies, Paris, Pédone, 1995, pp.99-114.
[65] Ian G. WADDELL, op.cit., p.316.
[66] “Article 4 requires the parties to take all necessary measures to limit
the production of drugs therein exclusively to medical and scientific purposes.
This is the most forthright statement in fifty years of drug legislation”, ibidem.
[67] Alfons NOLL, “Drugabuse and penal
provisions of international drug control treaties”, Bulletin On Narcotics, Vol. XXIX, n°4, October-December 1977, p.44.
[68] Mc DOUGAL, LASSWELL and MILLER
describe the textual approach as “dogmatic”, Myres S. McDOUGAL, Harold D.
LASSWELL and James C. MILLER, op.cit.,
p. 364.
[69] Ian BROWNLIE, op.cit., p.608.
[70] Ibidem.
[71] Antonio CASSESE, International Law in a Divided World,
Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1986, p. 188.
[72] Ian BROWNLIE, op.cit., p.608, for a large study on the subject, see Nancy KONTOU,
The Termination and Revision of Treaties
in the Light of New Customary International Law, Clarendon Press, Oxford,
1994, 169 pages.
[73] Nancy KONTOU, op.cit, p.18.
[74] Ibidem, p. 23 and Nguyen QUOC DINH,
Patrick DAILLIER and Alain PELLET, op.cit,
p. 106.
[75] Nancy KONTOU, op.cit, p.143.
[76] René-Jean DUPUY, “Coutume Sage et
Coutume Sauvage », in Mélanges Ch.
ROUSSEAU, Paris, Pédone, 1974, pp. 75-87.
[77] Jean J.A. SALMON, « Changements en droit international
public », in Hommages à françois
RIGAUX, Bruxelles, 1992, pp. 427-442.
[78] See Javier Ignacio PRIETO
RODRIGUEZ, El delito de trafico y el
consumo de drogas en el ordenamiento juridico penal espanol, Segunda
edicion, Editorial Aranzadi, Pamplona, 1993, pp. 141-159 and pp. 289-313.
[79] Javier Ignacio PRIETO RODRIGUEZ, op.cit., p. 141
[80] Lorenzo Jesus DEL RIO FERNANDEZ, op.cit.,
p.8.093.
[81] Circular 1/1984 de 4 de junio de la
Fiscalia General del Estado sobre la interpretacion del articulo 344 del codigo
penal, in Francisco Javier BLANCO HERRANZ, Derecho
de las drogodependencias, Legislacion
y trabajos parlamentarios, Coleccion informes y documentos, Parlamento
Vasco, Vitoria-Gasteiz, 1989, pp.
583-596.
[82] Tribunal Supremo, Sentencias de 13.2.1966, de 29.11.1968, de 25.2.1971 and 15.11.1971, cited in Circular 1/1984 de 4 de junio de la Fiscalia General del Estado sobre …, Ibidem, p. 585.
[83] Tribunal Supremo, Sentencias de 12.6.1974 and de 20.4.1976, Ibidem,, p. 585.
[84] Francis CABALLERO, op.cit., p.668 and references cited.
[85] Javier Ignacio PRIETO RODRIGUEZ, op.cit., p. 291.
[86] Ibidem, pp. 312-314.
[87] Tribunal Supremo,
Sentencia de 10.2.1987, published in Angel Javier MARTINEZ HIGUERAS and
Fernando MOYA LORENTE, op.cit., Legislacion
sobre drogas, Segunda edicion, Biblioteca de textos legales, Madrid, 1990, p. 1.142.
[88] Tribunal Supremo, Sentencia de
28.12.1987, published in Ibidem, pp.
1.169 and 1.170.
[89] In the same sense, See Tribunal
Supremo, Sentencia de 23.3.1985, cited by Sentencia 10.12.1985, published in Ibidem, pp. 1.168 and 1.169.
[90] Tribunal Supremo, Sentencia de
9.2.1985, cited by Sentencia 10.12.1985, published in Ibidem, pp. 1.168 and 1.169.
[91] Tribunal Supremo, Sentencia de
10.12.1985, published in Ibidem, pp.
1.168 and 1.169, Tribunal Supremo and Sentencia de 9.7.1988, published in Ibidem, pp. 1.164 and 1.165.
[92] See Del Rio, p. 8.093
[93] Tribunal Supremo, Sentencia de
14.9.1987, published in Ibidem, pp.
1.161 and 1.162.
[94] Tribunal Supremo, Sentencia de
19.5.1987, published in Ibidem, pp.
1.162, 1.163 and 1.164.
[95] Ley 17/67 de 8 de Abril de actualizacion de las normas vigentes sobre estupefacientes y adaptacion a lo establecido en el Convenio de 1961 de las Naciones Unidas (BOE, n°86, 11 de abril 1967), published in Francisco Javier BLANCO HERRANZ, Derecho de las drogodependencias, Legislacion y trabajos parlamentarios, Coleccion informes y documentos, Parlamento Vasco, Vitoria-Gasteiz, 1989, pp. 408-416.
[96] Javier Ignacio PRIETO RODRIGUEZ, op.cit., p. 413 and Jose Luiz
DIEZ-RIPOLLES, « Les politiques anti-drogues en Europe occidentale »,
Psychotropes, Vol. V, N° 1 and 2,
Winter 1989, p. 58..
[97] Tribunal Supremo, Sentencia de
20.3.1984, published in Angel Javier MARTINEZ HIGUERAS and Fernando MOYA
LORENTE, op.cit., p. 1.135, Tribunal
Supremo, Sentencia de 20.5.1985, published in Angel Javier MARTINEZ HIGUERAS
and Fernando MOYA LORENTE, op.cit., p.
1.134 and Tribunal Supremo, Sentencia de 10.4.1987, published in Angel Javier
MARTINEZ HIGUERAS and Fernando MOYA LORENTE, op.cit., p. 1.135.
[98] Tribunal Supremo, Sentencia de
10.4.1987, published in Angel Javier MARTINEZ HIGUERAS and Fernando MOYA
LORENTE, op.cit., p. 1.135.
[99] Tribunal Supremo, Sentencia de
20.2.1985, published in Angel Javier MARTINEZ HIGUERAS and Fernando MOYA
LORENTE, op.cit., pp. 1.135 and
1.136.
[100] Tribunal Supremo, Sentencia de
21.3.1981, published in Angel Javier MARTINEZ HIGUERAS and Fernando MOYA
LORENTE, op.cit., p. 1.136 and 1.137
and Tribunal Supremo, Sentencia de 22.3.1984, published in Angel Javier
MARTINEZ HIGUERAS and Fernando MOYA LORENTE, op.cit., p. 1.130 and 1.131.
[101] Tribunal Supremo, Sentencia de
11.12.1984, published in Angel Javier MARTINEZ HIGUERAS and Fernando MOYA
LORENTE, op.cit., p. 1.136 and 1.137.
[102] It is also remarkable although
anedocical that the Supreme Tribunal took attitude in the controversial discussion
about the existence of « hard »
and « soft » drugs, as many
specialists prefer to speak about a « soft »
and a « hard » use of any
drug.
[103] Tribunal Supremo, Sentencia de
10.4.1987, published in Angel Javier MARTINEZ HIGUERAS and Fernando MOYA LORENTE,
op.cit., p. 1.169 and 1.670.
[104] Law 17/67 of 8th April,
BOE n° 86, 11.4.1967, see note n° 75.
[105] Ley Organica 8/1992, de 23rd
December.
[106] Javier Ignacio PRIETO RODRIGUEZ, op.cit., p. 159.
[107] Lorenzo Jesus DEL RIO, op.cit., p.8.091.
[108] « criminal offence » in 1988 and « punishable offence » in 1961.
[109] See the words « penal code » and « penal law » in Commentary on the Draft Single Convention, E/CN.7/AC.3/4/RW.1 of 4
June 1952, p. 37.
[110] See the words « prosecutor », « criminal law », « sentence »,
« convictions », « judgement » and « extradition » in …, pp. 425-441.
[111] Javier Ignacio PRIETO RODRIGUEZ, op.cit., pp. 293-294.
[112] See Francis CABALLERO, op.cit., pp. 670-671 and Jose Luiz
DIEZ-RIPOLLES, op.cit., p.56.
[113] Grupo de Estudios de Politica Criminal, Una alternativa a la actual politica sobre drogas, Secciones de
Cadiz, Malaga y Sevilla del Instituto Andaluz Interuniversitario de
Criminologia – Jueces para la democracia – Instituto de Criminologia de la
Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, 1992,
132 pages. In
this little book, 105 judges and professors of criminal law demand a deep
reform of the Spanish Drug policy.
[114] Manuela CARMENA CASTILLO, « La législation actuelle et les
possibilités d’alternative », Psychotropes,
Vol. V, N° 1 and 2,
Winter 1989, p. 29-30.
[115] Francisco RUBIO
LLORENTE (Ed), Derechos fundamentales y
principios constitucionales (Doctrina jurisprudencial), Ariel Derecho,
Barcelona, 1995, p. XI and p. 4.
[116] Javier Ignacio PRIETO RODRIGUEZ, op.cit., p. 117.
[117] See Francisco RUBIO LLORENTE, op.cit., pp. 401-402 on article 25 of
the Spanish Constitution that asks criminal sanctions respond to the « proportionality » criteria.
[118] Javier Ignacio PRIETO RODRIGUEZ, op.cit., p. 105, see also Jose Luiz
DIEZ-RIPOLLES, op.cit., p. 55 et
p.58.
[119] Javier Ignacio PRIETO RODRIGUEZ, op.cit., pp. 104-105.
[120] Ignacio DE OTTO, Derecho Constitucional, Sistema de fuentes, ,
4.a reimpresion, Ariel Derecho, Barcelona, 1995, p.124.
[121] On this particular
matter, see Ignacio DE OTTO, op.cit., pp.
122-127.
[122] Javier Ignacio PRIETO RODRIGUEZ, op.cit., p. 104.
[123] Oscar SCHACHTER, International
Law in Theory and Practice, Martinus Nijhof Publishers-Kluwer Academic
Publishers, Dordrecht-Boston-London, 1991, p.19.
[124]See Francis CABALLERO (Dir.), Drogues et Droits de l’Homme, Les Empêcheurs de penser en rond, , 1992, 153 pages and The Committee on Drugs and the Law, « A wiser course : Ending Drug Prohibition », The Record of the Association of the Bar of the City of New York, Vol. 49, n° 5, June 1994, pp. 521-577, furthermore, see Ethan A. NADELMANN, “U.S. Policy: A Bad Export”, Foreign Policy 70 (1988): 83-108.